Wages
in sentence
1758 examples of Wages in a sentence
Wages
in Korea, indeed, became twice that prevailing in Britain and banks remained under the thumb of government.
The same is true of a country that undergoes a period of strong productivity growth because it has reformed its labor market or kept real
wages
low and has a current-account surplus.
Improved education is associated with many positive developments, including fewer child marriages, lower death rates among children under the age of five and mothers during childbirth, more effective HIV prevention, higher wages, and greater economic growth.
Prolonged labor-market slack means falling real
wages
for most workers, with the negative effect growing as one moves down the wage distribution.
From 2007 to 2012, US real hourly
wages
fell for 70% of the wage distribution, with larger losses for those holding lower-wage jobs.
By contrast, real
wages
increased, albeit at a much slower pace than before the recession, for those in the top 30% of the wage distribution.
Throughout modern history, industrialization has been the most effective driver of structural poverty reduction, owing to its capacity to expand employment opportunities, boost productivity, and increase
wages.
Large influxes of refugees put downward pressure on a host country’s wages, exacerbating poverty and increasing social, economic, and political tensions.
Employment recovered, but primarily in “non-regular” jobs with limited benefits, low wages, and little job security.
Workers then demand higher
wages
to compensate.
Unless the central bank is very strong and prepared to engender an economic slowdown, higher
wages
tend to push up inflation.
To be sure, the eurozone does not fully meet all of the conditions of an optimal currency area (which include an open and diversified economy, free movement of capital and labor, and flexible prices and wages).
Greek
wages
and prices have already fallen sufficiently to restore competitiveness; the country now needs a framework in which private economic activity can thrive.
In fact, due to distortions in how
wages
are set-often set irrespective of local labor productivity rates-migrants can even contribute to reducing unemployment in Western and Southern Europe.
This is how it works: In exchange for being paid a guaranteed price and meeting “agreed labor and environmental standards” (minimum wages, no pesticides), poor-country farming cooperatives receive a FAIRTRADE mark for their products, issued by the FAIRTRADE Labeling Organization.
In pursuit of protectionist objectives, for example, trade unions may wave the human rights banner of "high" labor standards, but in fact they are merely trying to boost
wages
to uncompetitive levels.
The risk they face is clear enough: absent a profound reengineering, inertial spending – owing to entitlements and civil-service
wages
– is bound to crowd out spending on new priorities and new policies.
In China, by contrast, income inequality is decreasing, thanks to rising
wages
and the provision of improved health insurance and other services to workers.
This means that domestic
wages
and prices in Brazil, when translated into U.S. dollars at the current exchange, are too high for Brazil to be competitive in international markets.
In a fiat-money world without fractional reserve banks, OMF is an obvious strategy: indeed, without it, positive nominal GDP growth might be difficult to achieve, and optimal real growth might therefore require an unattainable downward flexibility in nominal
wages
and prices.
When a positive technological “shock” raises real wages, people will work more, causing output to surge.
These are efficient responses to changes in real
wages.
For example, The Financial Times reported on June 23 that, “Hundreds of Bangladeshi garment factories supplying western buyers such as Marks and Spencer, Tesco, Walmart, and Hampamp;M gradually reopened under heavy police protection…after days of violent protests by tens of thousands of laborers demanding higher wages.”
Economists predict that strikes and unrest will escalate in Bangladesh, and also in Vietnam, with even investment bankers quoted by The Financial Times calling
wages
for women garment workers in these countries “unsustainably low.”
Yet Americans pay these trained professionals the same
wages
paid to those who park our cars, walk our dogs, flip our burgers, and mix our drinks.
Then the capital inflows abruptly reversed, which demanded a decline in domestic
wages
and prices, relative to the eurozone average, in order to shift resources back toward exports.
They would not need a large downward adjustment in
wages
and prices, and government revenues would remain relatively stable.
But the truth is that the risk of a “bad” deflation – that is, a self-reinforcing downward spiral in prices, wages, and economic performance – has never existed for the eurozone as a whole.
In this interpretation,
wages
were eroded and jobs were lost because of the inflow of poorly qualified and cheap central Europeans.
The proper functioning of the gold standard required a high degree of flexibility in
wages
and prices.
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