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Wages in sentence

1758 examples of Wages in a sentence

Consider the recent standby arrangement with Latvia, whose conditions include a massive 25% cut in public-sector wages, a similar reduction in government expenditures, and a huge tax increase.
As US export-oriented firms – many of which pay high wages – reduce output, relative to what they would have produced otherwise, the effect will presumably be to reduce the number of good jobs.
The wages of part-time workers are, for the first time in Japan’s history, rising faster than those of full-time employees.
As has been painfully obvious during the last several years, prolonged labor-market slack means falling real wages for most workers, with the negative effect intensifying as one moves down the wage distribution.
By the same logic, stronger growth in 2014 and tightening labor markets should lead to healthier wage gains for the 70% of the workforce whose real wages have not yet returned to their pre-recession level.
The same is true of wages and labor practices.
Paying fair wages, adopting ethical sourcing practices, and upholding the dignity of workers should be a part of the way they calculate their success.
In today’s Poland, it is harder to accept wages – nominally about a third of those in Germany – that had seemed perfectly adequate in 2007, when they were only a quarter of the German level.
But, unsurprisingly, Kopacz’s campaign slogan, “A strong economy – higher wages,” and her implicit promise to address the issue in one parliamentary term, did not appear credible.
The International Labor Organization’s (ILO) latest Global Wage Report finds that, excluding China, real (inflation-adjusted) wages grew at an annual rate of just 1.1% in 2017, down from 1.8% in 2016.
In the advanced G20 economies, average real wages grew by a mere 0.4% in 2017, compared to 1.7% growth in 2015.
While real wages were up by 0.7% in the United States (versus 2.2% in 2015), they stagnated in Europe, where small increases in some countries were offset by declines in France, Germany, Italy, and Spain.
China’s success may vindicate a model advanced by the late Nobel laureate economist W. Arthur Lewis, which explains how employment in new, more productive sectors can absorb surplus labor and push up wages over all.
As a result, the average nominal minimum wage in China nearly doubled between 2011 and 2018, and wages for workers in state-owned enterprises rose even faster.
Even today, four years into the crisis, there are no signs that the overly expensive countries in Europe’s southern periphery have begun devaluation in real terms by cutting wages and prices.
In the medium to long run, it seems likely that wages will adjust, so that the effective burden of the additional savings will be borne by employees, not employers.
But it is particularly vital today, as the share of wages in national income declines, and the share of profits and rents rises – a trend that technological progress is accelerating.
No one favours it, even if children work in healthy conditions for fair wages.
Lost wages, of course, can be offset by benefits.
In addition, we must legislate to improve the wages and conditions of every human still in employment, while our taxes provide Ken unemployment benefits, a guaranteed paid job in his community, or retraining.
China’s dramatic manufacturing growth reflected low wages up to now.
But as real wages in China and other emerging economies grow, incentives for trade will decline.
Prolonged slump imposes not only mass unemployment, but stagnant wages, increased poverty, and rising inequality.
Another is to lower wages.
The higher the productivity and the quality of export activities, the higher the wages they can pay and still remain competitive.
If employment in the export industry is significant, as is true in most places that do not rely on oil revenues, the wages that the export sector can afford will affect the wages of everybody in town.
A simulation shows that if German wages grew at 4% annually instead of the 1.5% of the last decade, and if annual productivity growth in Spain accelerated to 2% (it was close to 0.7% in both countries), Spain could reverse the unit-labor-cost differential that emerged with Germany since 2000 in five years, with Spanish wages growing at about 1.7% per annum.
It would require restraint in Spain, where wages grew at an average annual rate of 3.4% in 2000-2010, as well as a serious effort to accelerate productivity growth.
But it would not require falling wages or significant price deflation: annual wage growth of 1.7% and productivity growth of 2% would be compatible with inflation close to zero.
The key reason is that wages in China began rising much faster than in other low-wage Asian economies, and companies within Asia’s production networks are finding it difficult to retain their most talented Chinese staff, particularly in the country’s booming coastal regions.
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