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Wages in sentence

1758 examples of Wages in a sentence

That promises to boost their own growth while creating space for the Chinese economy to move up the value chain, where productivity and wages – important determinants of consumption – are higher.
For most of the people surveyed, the costs of voting – including lost wages from time off work, transport to the polling station, and the need to secure proper identification (such as a driver’s license or passport) – were simply too large.
The economic analysis pillar is based on a wide set of domestic and international economic indicators from the real and financial sectors (wages, import prices, interest and exchange rates etc.).
In the European Union alone, the youth unemployment rate has reached a staggering 22%, and in some countries is topping out at roughly 50%; according to some reports, 75 million young people are currently experiencing unemployment, underemployment, or stagnating wages.
They cannot boost economic output, because they are conditional upon recipient countries’ continued pursuit of internal devaluation (lowering domestic wages and prices).
If wages fall further, employment will rise.
The best evidence of this failure is that, despite a huge drop in wages and costs, export growth has been flat (the elimination of the current-account deficit being due exclusively to the collapse of imports).
Northern European countries, which have ample room to increase wages and implement expansionary policies, must do so.
Populist policies that transfer scarce budget funds to hundreds of millions of rural men and women end up encouraging them to withdraw their labor services, driving up wages and undermining international competitiveness.
In the United Kingdom, for example, wages have grown by only 13% since 2008, but the stock market is up by 115%.
It has been caused by wages that are too high, too inflexible, insufficiently differentiated, and overburdened by social security costs and high taxes.
Today, however, the catalytic power of Deng’s initial changes has waned, with rising wages, weakening external demand, and increasing competition from other emerging economies indicating the exhaustion of a growth model premised on exports and investment.
New Zealand’s Laborites privatized the postal system and many other public enterprises, and changed the country’s employment system from highly centralized collective bargaining to one that gave employers considerable discretion to hire and fire and to pay market-determined wages.
Generally the causes are these: unpaid wages and pensions; sudden and massive job terminations; and management corruption held responsible for the bankruptcy of industrial enterprises--where discharged workers were secure, enjoying privileges and benefits, since the 1950s.
For most citizens, wages are the only source of income.
But wages have grown at a far slower pace than GDP.
The laws of economics, they assert, ensure that in the long run there will be jobs for everyone who wants them, so long as government does not interfere in market processes by setting minimum wages or ensuring job security, or so long as unions don't drive up wages excessively.
American and rich country engineers and computer specialists will either have to accept a wage cut and/or they will be forced into unemployment and/or to seek other employment - almost surely at lower wages.
This has, indeed, already happened in some developed countries: in the ten years that have passed since the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement, average real wages in the US have actually declined.
Rather, costs are low because for almost two centuries colonial powers and then domestic governments hobbled markets and restricted international trade, leaving a legacy of wages so low that they offset weaker productivity.
True, over the last 25 years, US per capita growth has been faster; but Japan’s economy is not disfigured by the massive increase in inequality that has left many American workers facing stagnant real wages throughout that period.
The Stanford economists Nicholas Bloom and David Price confirmed this finding, and argue that virtually the entire increase in income inequality in the US is rooted in the growing gap in average wages paid by firms.
Policies that tackle structural biases head-on – from minimum wages to, potentially, universal basic income schemes – are also needed.
To be sure, from 2000 to 2008, German wages increased by 19%, compared to 48% in Spain.
From 2009 to 2013, German nominal wages increased by more than 14%, compared to 4% in Spain.
And yet, despite the more rapid rise in German wages, the country’s exports rebounded faster than Spain’s – or those of any other European Union country.
This focus on quality could explain why German exports rebounded quickly after 2009, despite the rise in nominal wages.
Quality makes exporters less vulnerable to changes in price – including those driven by rising wages.
By contrast, those countries in which firms compete on price may have felt more pressure to move production abroad as domestic wages rose.
If Germany is to maintain its economic dominance, it will have to do something far harder than keeping wages in check or restructuring hierarchies.
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