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Voters in sentence

3161 examples of Voters in a sentence

The fiscal card is critical in choosing which groups of voters to buy.
Taking the mood of his voters seriously, Kostunica criticizes the Tribunal and expresses reservations about receiving Mrs. del Ponte.
Syrian and Iraqi strongmen have done even better with this system, no doubt because they demanded that the names and addresses of voters be put at the bottom of each ballot.
Together, the two parties have more than 60% support among Italian voters.
And while some of the coalition’s popularity is due to support for unattractive policy positions – namely, the ruling parties’ anti-immigrant stance and confrontation with the EU – it also reflects voters’ desire for a modernized welfare state.
(And, of course, tax cuts and pension hikes never go down badly with voters.)
The social contract in the US has frayed badly, and this is likely to play an important role in the upcoming presidential election, as voters express anger that the American Dream is increasingly out of reach.
If, as seems increasingly plausible, British voters chose to leave, the result would be a profoundly destabilized EU – and a shattered UK.
This may have seemed like a reasonable strategy, but fear is not rational; it may well drive voters toward the apparent certainties offered by the nation-state.
If British voters agree that the EU’s structure is so flawed that they do not want to be part of it, they are implicitly condemning the peculiar union that is the UK, which includes a fiscal union, but a problematic one.
Even in northern England, many voters would be attracted to Scotland’s greater emphasis on social welfare.
In response, however, more pragmatic voters are increasingly irate about political paralysis and their governing institutions’ inability to respond to the preferences of a clear majority of the population.
The only question is whether disaffected voters will opt for a harmless comedian like Beppe Grillo or a more dangerous proto-fascist candidate to be named later.
The British government is gradually realizing that voters do not really want the complete rupture with Europe demanded by hard-core Euroskeptics.
Neither of the two alternatives to EU membership presented in the Brexit referendum – an inward-looking, protectionist “Little England,” or a post-imperial “Anglosphere” based on the “special relationship” with America and the Commonwealth – is turning out to be economically feasible or politically attractive to voters.
While only 3-4% of voters admit to changing their minds about Brexit, large majorities want to keep most of the benefits of free trade, easy travel, immigrant labor, and strong environmental, consumer, and health regulation.
Voters’ aversion to Brexit’s adverse consequences, analogous to the realism that gradually dawned in Greece after its 2015 referendum rejected an EU bailout, helps to explain the otherwise perplexing tactics of Prime Minister Theresa May and her Conservative Party.
Instead of strident demands for restoration of untrammeled national sovereignty in March 2019, she is now pleading for a transition, in which nothing noticeable to voters will change at all.
Delegitimizing political opposition made Brexit appear inevitable, which discouraged voters from even thinking about the issues that might change their minds.
The Labour Party is slowly coming to the conclusion that, even though many working-class voters supported Brexit, opposing it offers the only chance of bringing down the May government.
The answer is no, because voters would be offered an honest choice between two well-defined alternatives: to accept whatever agreement for leaving the EU the government negotiates, or to stay in the EU by withdrawing the Brexit notification before the March 29 deadline.
By contrast, the 2016 referendum offered voters an illusory choice between reality and fantasy: a fair-tale Brexit, onto which they could project whatever hopes or prejudices they cared to imagine.
But one possible reading of Donald Trump’s victory in the United States presidential election is that voters these days care less about responsibility than “authenticity.”
Voters welcomed Trump’s reckless comments on sensitive issues because he was speaking his mind and being true to himself.
In the fall of 2000, Czech voters rebuked both parties during regional and Senate elections, with the Social Democrats losing their joint majority in the Senate.
In fact, Romney appears to have categorized a large segment of his party’s own voters as supporters of President Barack Obama.
To illustrate, a mere 1% decrease in a state’s obesity on average is estimated to raise the ratio of Democratic to Republican voters from 1.00 to 1.07, easily enough to swing an election.
By returning the 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad to the job of prime minister, voters ended 61 years of uninterrupted rule by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO).
The first-past-the-post electoral system concealed the exodus of numerous Malay voters from the UMNO-led coalition to the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS).
But only three times has an Italian vote claimed center stage internationally: in 1948, when the choice was between the West and communism; in 1976, when voters faced a similar choice, between the Christian Democrats and Enrico Berlinguer’s “Eurocommunism”; and now, with the upcoming referendum on constitutional reforms.
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