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Voters in sentence

3161 examples of Voters in a sentence

Among the youngest voters, indeed, this impulse is very strong, with their participation in elections falling sharply.
The agony of internal devaluation in the currency union’s weaker economies is increasingly driving voters and financial markets alike to call for a return to their national currencies – a trend that may well come to a head in May’s European Parliament election.
He was also Prime Minister (a very good one) in a national unity government in 1984-1986; but, despite trying for nearly 30 years, he never won his own mandate from Israeli voters for the post he coveted the most.
While 40% of Ukrainians, based mainly in Yanukovych’s electoral heartland in the east and south of the country, would prefer to join the Customs Union, 60% of voters see their future with or in the EU.
Indeed, when the ECB controls interest rates on long-term bonds, it is hard for political leaders, parliaments, and voters to know whether they have achieved significant fiscal improvement.
Clinton asked the voters, and they answered "Yes."
The economy recovered, the bond market cheered, and middle class voters didn't revolt.
But European voters do not, because politicians fear that spelling it out would be a career-limiting move.
Yet, by denying the obvious fact that the eurozone’s viability depends on substantial restraints on sovereignty, Europe’s leaders are misleading their voters, delaying the Europeanization of democratic politics, and raising the political and economic costs of the ultimate reckoning.
And when Florida’s voters are disenchanted about the economy, they do not riot outside the state capital; they put pressure on their representatives in Congress to push for changes in federal policies.
As we saw with the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom, giving voters too much power to regulate the European project can backfire.
Voters there may also extend a disturbing paradox that has emerged in the region: the more "vigorous" Asian democracy becomes, the more dysfunctional it is.
Cohabitation could very soon become a problem even in the quasi-democracy of Hong Kong, if voters there on September 12 elect a legislature hostile to Tung Chee-hwa, the territory's Beijing-anointed chief executive, later this month.
One reason Irish voters rejected the Lisbon Treaty lay in concerns that Ireland’s voice and representation within EU institutions would be eroded, in particular through the periodic loss of Irish representation on the European Commission.
Reminding voters of the potentially catastrophic cost of being excluded, not just from core parts of the Single Market, but from the vital decision-making structures in the Council of Ministers and the European Central Bank, reinforces what is at stake in a second referendum campaign.
The British History of BrexitLONDON – Since June 23, 2016, when 52% of British voters backed withdrawing from the European Union, the “Brexit” debate has been tearing British politics apart.
Remainers alternate between blaming Cameron for his recklessness in holding the referendum and his incompetence in managing it, and castigating the Brexiteers for swamping the voters with lies.
To win, Syriza must either mislead its voters about its options, or insist that it will renegotiate the repayment conditions imposed on Greece by the so-called Troika (the European Commission, the ECB, and the International Monetary Fund), all while pursuing unilateral action should renegotiation fail.
As voters throughout the EU head to the polls in May, such a message could be a game changer.
But if the nationalist threat to Europe is truly to be contained, Germany will have to work with Macron to address the economic challenges that have driven so many voters to reject the European Union.
If voters in France’s upcoming presidential election prove closer to the Dutch than to Americans and Britons in their susceptibility to xenophobia and protectionism, their decision will have global implications for politics, economics, and the ideology of global capitalism.
If German voters in the autumn follow the French and Dutch in moving back toward the political center, immigration will also be discredited as the root cause of populism.
Instead, populism will look more like an Anglo-Saxon phenomenon, motivated less by immigration and economic policy than by conservative cultural attitudes among Trump and Brexit voters and the unusual demographic alliances pitting old against young, rural against urban, and university graduates against less educated voters in the US and Britain.
Fortunately, that outcome can be expected if voters reject populist politics in France and Germany.
Both main candidates for German Chancellor are eager to rebuild post-Brexit Europe by strengthening the Franco-German axis – and the start of a French reform process would reassure German voters that their government, by easing EU austerity, would not merely be pouring money into a bottomless pit.
So should voters trying to decide between the two simply look at it as a matter of choosing alternative management teams?
For voters, the choice should be easy.
So, too, is an informed and engaged electorate, because the expert advice offered to voters is itself so confusing.
The debate does not lead to agreement, moderate voters do not know what to believe, and policy choices ultimately follow the path of least resistance – until they run into a brick wall.
Even if inaction (or action oriented towards the longer term) is the best policy, it is not an option for democratically elected politicians, whom voters expect to govern, which inevitably means action with the potential for quick results.
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