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Voters in sentence

3161 examples of Voters in a sentence

Of course, most French people would ultimately benefit from doing away with this inefficient web of big and small privileges, but most voters, depressed by poor economic prospects and unnerved by high unemployment, are simply unwilling to take the risk.
The new government that voters will most likely elect in September will be confronted with the difficult task of confronting Germans with reality and pushing through the necessary reforms.
The economic improvement that voters demanded in electing Rowhani can almost certainly be achieved only if Western and international sanctions are lifted.
Rowhani must seek a path that does not cost him the support of the majority of the regime’s power centers, yet that also allows him to fulfill the mandate he received from voters.
Mollifying voters’ antipathy to the EU will require substantial change, and that uncomfortable truth is beginning to dawn on Europe’s mainstream politicians.
Now, though, they must choose between being outflanked by Euroskeptic parties on both the far left and far right, or responding to that threat by creating a supra-national democracy that can satisfy voters’ legitimate concerns.
As investors, consumers, voters, and citizens, we must make our voices heard, in order to ensure that finance is used to promote shared values and the common good.
Sweden’s Russia ProblemSTOCKHOLM – With a general election approaching in September, Swedish voters are being warned that now it’s their turn to be targeted by Russian interference in the democratic process.
After a strong showing by the anti-establishment, anti-immigration Sweden Democrats in the 2014 general election, center-right parties refused to cooperate with the party and tacitly sided with the left, fueling resentment among many voters.
What Italy’s Election Means for the EUROME – Italy’s recent election – in which voters rebuffed traditional parties in favor of anti-establishment and far-right movements, producing a hung parliament – should serve as a wake-up call for Europe.
It is thus significant that Italian voters threw their support behind those who decried the abuse of power by local elites and traditional parties, instead of believing that those local elites, let alone the faraway EU, can fix the problem.
This story doesn’t end well for Trump’s angry, displaced Rust Belt voters.
German voters balk at any suggestion that we should limit the environmental damage caused by big and expensive cars.
British voters line up behind the truck drivers when protests are launched against hikes in the price of petrol, not least through the introduction of higher energy taxes.
Clearly, part of the blame lies with voters who don’t want to hear that budget discipline means cutting programs that matter to them, and with politicians who tell voters only what they want to hear.
This opposition extends to Christian evangelicals voters, who tend to live in working-class and middle-class households that depend on many kinds of government social services.
Despite the avowedly “free-market” beliefs of many Christian fundamentalists, as voters they support government-financed pensions, health care, and other public services.
This response to homegrown problems plays well with voters, but it is ridiculous and ignorant, especially since the US has been depending on China to help finance the fiscal deficits.
Little did they appreciate that American voters, having never actually supported spending cuts, would resist.
After all, European voters are in no mood to transfer more powers to Brussels.
But Belgium could have shown greater understanding for the Netherlands’ position after Dutch voters decisively rejected the proposed European constitution in the mid-2005 referendum.
It was past time that voters did so.
The trouble is that, in voting for change, Greek voters took a leap into the dark.
My assertion that Danes are not anti-Europeans finds support in a recent Eurobarometer-poll: Voters in all EU-countries were asked if they regard enlargement of the Union with the applicant countries in Eastern and Central Europe as “a priority”.
Let me recall the situation in 1992, when a small majority of Danish voters (less than 1%) rejected the Treaty of Maastricht.
This time Danish voters once again rejected the advice of their political establishment.
Navalny’s volunteers not only promote his message through social media; they also distribute his program and talk to voters in Moscow’s streets and Metro.
Finally, Navalny’s background and support base give him a level of moral authority with voters that other politicians in Putin’s Russia cannot attain.
As a result, voters can be confident that Navalny, who refused to bow to legal intimidation, is clean, and that he is running for the job not for his own material benefit or to do the bidding of any particular interest group, but because he believes in a greater good.
One example: Venezuela’s overall population has grown 14% over the past 13 years, but electoral rolls have jumped 53%; the new voters can be ghosts, Colombians, or several generations of chavista supporters already registered to vote, even before they are born.
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