Union
in sentence
2117 examples of Union in a sentence
They worry that politicians and journalists who oppose their strategies for closer political and economic
union
could yet tip the balance of public opinion against the EU.
Second, a return to the drachma must offer the prospect that the Greek economy will eventually do better on its own than in the currency
union
(and under the existing economic program).
But the importance of labor mobility for a currency
union
should not be exaggerated.
But a successful currency
union
requires more than this.
A final way of thinking about the EU is as the “ever closer union” referred to in the Treaty of Rome and echoed in the Maastricht Treaty.
“Ever closer union” means an EU that moves ineluctably from economic and monetary
union
to banking union, then to fiscal union, and finally to political
union.
They hoped that establishing a monetary
union
would generate irresistible pressure for the creation of an EU that functioned in all respects as a cohesive economic and political bloc.
Monetary
union
without banking
union
will not work, and a workable banking
union
requires at least some elements of fiscal and political
union.
Continuing toward “ever closer union” in Europe won’t be easy.
Article 11 provides that the
Union "
shall have competence to coordinate the economic policies of the member states."
Under
union
pressure, flexibility and competition gave way to a high cost/highly restrictive employment system.
In such a world, fiscal
union
is an essential counterpart to monetary
union.
In a hypothetical European fiscal union, there would certainly be transfers from Germany to the periphery in 2011, but a properly designed setup would have ensured flows to Germany in the 1990’s, as it struggled to cope with the costs of reunification with East Germany.
With this in mind, the most obvious point about the recent summit is that the “fiscal stability union” that it proposed is nothing of the sort.
Describing this as a “fiscal union,” as some have done, constitutes a near-Orwellian abuse of language.
True, Germany is insisting on a “fiscal stability union” as a condition of allowing the ECB to do even the minimum needed to keep the euro afloat; but this is a political argument, not an economic one.
This will require a minimal fiscal union; a full-scale fiscal
union
would be better still.
An immediate breakup of the eurozone would be a catastrophe, which is why the European Council agreed to a “fiscal stability union” in exchange for some movement by the ECB.
Unions would bow to government requests to moderate their demands for wage increases, and governments would bow to
union
demands for public spending and social insurance.
Politicians did not understand that expanding social insurance was the inevitable price of wage restraint, while
union
leaders did not understand that if corporatist social democracy did not restrain inflation, political power would shift to the right and high unemployment would be used to restrain it.
In addition to tighter budgetary rules and the start of a banking union, new efforts are underway to strengthen the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), which is now meant to serve as a backstop for the Single Resolution Fund (SRF).
At issue is whether we want a monetary
union
in which member states are individually responsible for their policies, or one based on solidarity, complete with risk sharing and financial transfers.
The decade ahead will be a particularly opportune time to create a transfer union, owing to the looming demographic crisis that is threatening most European countries, with the exception of France.
Le Pen has promised to hold a referendum on France’s membership in the eurozone, despite warnings from the Bank of France that leaving the monetary
union
could increase the French national debt by €30 billion ($31.8 billion) annually.
Bentham’s objection to such attempts to bind posterity applies not only to the
union
that created the UK, but also the one that formed the US: Why should the current generation consider itself bound by what was decided hundreds of years earlier?
Its fiscal policies were already out of control when it joined the monetary
union
in 2001, and its trade unions were agitating to push wages up to European levels, despite lagging productivity.
The Greek crisis shows that Europe is still only halfway toward creating a viable monetary
union.
Completing its monetary
union
requires Europe to create a proper emergency financing mechanism.
Well, if Europe is serious about its monetary union, it will have to get over its past.
In early June, the National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education (NATFHE), Britain’s largest academic union, with 67,000 members, passed a motion to sever ties with all Israeli professors and institutions of higher learning unless they publicly dissociate themselves from “continuing Israeli apartheid policies.”
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