Union
in sentence
2117 examples of Union in a sentence
Rather than moving forward in the direction of an economic union, it reverted to a policy favoring national solutions.
So, as Germans once again see their “Iron Chancellor” deliver butter-soft results, they are increasingly likely to trust those who warn that the government is being tricked into a “transfer union” that uses German money to finance handouts for fiscally lax EU members.
The more the EU is forced by Germany to become a
union
rooted in “stability,” the more pressing it will become for eurozone countries that cannot conform to the new, stricter rules to receive some sort of financial compensation.
With Merkel’s active help, the eurozone is (in effect) moving towards becoming a transfer union: the stricter the new rules and the larger the interest-rate spreads among eurozone countries, the faster that will happen.
The first was to buy time, by pretending that all member countries, though not equally ready to act, shared the same ultimate goal of “ever closer union.”
The base would essentially comprise the single market, the customs union, and essential flanking rules and institutions to ensure consumer protection, uphold competition, and manage research, energy and climate, infrastructure, and regional policies.
Moreover, there is now a consensus that the 17 eurozone countries need a banking
union
to accompany their common currency.
This proposal must now be amended and approved as soon as possible by the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers if we are to have a chance of activating the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and proceeding with the other essential pillars of a banking
union.
In addition , the 50 American states each have separate bank regulators (with overlapping jurisdictions with the national regulators), most have savings bank regulators, all have credit
union
regulators, all have insurance regulators (which is solely a state responsibility), and all have securities regulators.
Voters in the UK objected to several of the key premises of regional integration: free labor mobility and seemingly open-ended immigration, regulation by supranational authorities in Brussels, and currency
union
(which has serious flaws, such as the lack of a fiscal transfer mechanism among member states).
When a government starts to borrow abroad or chooses to enter a currency union, these benefits take the form of reduced interest rates.
Even more important is the federal government’s role in helping states that face, say, high unemployment, by allocating additional tax revenue to them – the so-called “transfer union” so loathed by many Germans.
The answer lies in France and Germany, where, a decade after the 2008 financial crash exposed the eurozone’s design flaws, there is still no consensus about how to manage the large-scale insolvencies that are inevitable in a currency
union
lacking any mechanism to temper financial flows and trade imbalances.
But Europe has always been much more than an economic project; it is also a
union
of values, which no member can be allowed to repudiate without consequence.
If Germans are unable to stomach the idea of sharing a political community with Greeks, they might as well accept that economic
union
is as good as dead.
As a union, Europe still matters a great deal.
Debate about the damage done by emigration has also erupted in countries much more obviously affected by the economic crisis – eurozone countries like Greece, Spain, and Portugal, as well as countries outside the currency union, like Bulgaria and Romania.
But that is less likely now, as many countries are undertaking fiscal consolidation simultaneously, non-sovereign interest rates are already low, and monetary
union
prevents the most troubled countries in the eurozone – Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain – from devaluing their way to competitiveness.
Political
union
in Europe (even assuming that we understand what is meant by it) will not take place within a matter of weeks or months.
So if the euro is losing value because political
union
is lacking, it follows that we should expect a low euro for a long time.
market should act given the fact that participation in the euro and political
union
was probably the principal motive for the Denmark’s “No” to euro membership and Britain’s reluctance.
Now that happy
union
between the Kremlin and ordinary Russians is ending.
What would help is to turn the euro around – in the sense of convincing investors that the common currency has a bright future, because it is underpinned by a stronger monetary, fiscal, financial, and political
union.
Europe’s Civil WarWASHINGTON, DC – The negotiations leading up to the latest tentative deal on Greece’s debt brought into relief two competing visions of the European Union: the flexible, humane, and political
union
espoused by France, and the legalistic and economy-focused
union
promoted by Germany.
Whereas that stance reflects the vision of an “ever-closer union” that motivated the EU’s founders, Germany’s narrower, economic understanding of European integration cannot inspire ordinary citizens to support the compromises necessary to keep the EU together.
And, indeed, the language of a larger political
union
was embedded in Europe’s treaties, to be interpreted by the European Court of Justice and subsequent generations of European decision-makers in ways that supported the construction of a common European polity and identity, as well as a unified economy.
For the US, those questions arose in the 1840s and 1850s, when the urgent need for a
union
to secure independence had faded, causing issues and conflicts that had been papered over to resurface.
A horrific war resulted, in which the US defeated the secessionist southern Confederacy and imposed its vision of the
union.
The EU's Deposit-Guarantee EndgameTILBURG – While existing European
Union
institutions were always unlikely to implement a common deposit-guarantee system (DGS) on their own, the formation of a European banking
union
will naturally lead to such a scheme.
Even as Germany’s Bundesbank fiercely (and rightly) opposed the OMT program for its focus on countries’ solvency, rather than liquidity risk – thus creating a backdoor fiscal
union
– the government was relieved that the German Constitutional Court, assessing the scheme’s legality, ultimately passed the buck to the European Court of Justice.
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