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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

But, because the European Union did not want Greece to exit the eurozone (which would have been a major setback for Europe as a political project), Greece would be offered enough aid, support, debt forgiveness, and assistance with payments to offset any advantages it might gain by exiting the monetary union.
She also backed the formation of a banking union, which remains incomplete but still represents a key step toward a financial system supervised by the European Central Bank.
Brexit, therefore, would leave Northern Ireland outside the EU’s customs union, and the Irish Republic inside it.
To avoid this outcome, May’s plan provides for Britain to leave the EU but remain “temporarily” in the customs union, pending the negotiation of a free-trade agreement with the EU, with the “backstop” of a guaranteed open border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, come what may.
Likewise, the ten MPs of Northern Ireland’s Democratic Union Party, on whose support the government now depends, are torn between wanting free trade with the South and fear of being sucked into the Irish Republic if and when the rest of Britain leaves the customs union.
The DUP has denounced all talk of a special arrangement or “backstop” to enable Northern Ireland to remain in the customs union in lieu of a UK-EU free-trade deal.
Indeed, the European Commission, which is working toward creating an energy union, is well placed to initiate an open dialogue with non-EU countries on long-term energy policies.
No union can still pretend that it has captive employers who can and will pass wage increases on into prices without reckoning the consequences for profitability and employment.
The monetary union would be rid of a recurring problem, and a eurozone decision to allow or invite Greece to leave would bolster the credibility of its rules.
Market tension has eased considerably;Ireland and Portugal are not under assistance programs anymore; the eurozone financial system has been strengthened by the decision to move to a banking union; and crisis-management instruments are in place.
There are three reasons why Grexit could still seriously weaken Europe's monetary union.
Domestic and foreign investors would scrutinize more closely whether an asset's value would be affected by a breakup of the monetary union.
Whether the Germans will agree remains far from clear, but it is worth recalling that building a fiscal union in the US took a very long time (and in some senses may remain an unfinished project).
There are many reasons for the disparity; but a critical one is the absence in the US of labor laws and union rules that prevent employees and firms from adapting to the new technologies.
Since 2010, these two refrains have shaped the entire discussion of how to shore up the euro, and they largely account for the anemic progress being made on the creation of a European banking union.
On May 27, the government organizes a meeting with trade union leaders, who have little to do with the strikes, and employers’ organizations, who have nothing at all to do with them.
Trade union groups are, at last, officially recognized within businesses, as is workers’ right to speak out about their working conditions.
For reform laggards like France, Italy, and Portugal, currency union with an increasingly competitive Germany is forcing an unwelcome choice between revving up their own reforms and permanent stagnation.
In France, for example, all current presidential candidates hold out the unrealistic prospect of staying in the currency union but watering down the independence of the European Central Bank and its price stability mandate, increasing “consultation” between governments and the ECB, and manipulating the euro to France’s advantage.
Approval of fundamental changes in the currency union must be agreed by all members, and so will not be forthcoming.
Some even suggest that it would be good for the monetary union.
The emerging European “energy union,” which the Council has endorsed, could be the ideal vehicle to facilitate this shift.
This means, first and foremost, establishing clear and predictable community rules and cost-sensitive policies for the energy union.
The foundations of such an approach – an internal energy market, the framework of an energy union, and a cohesive external voice – are emerging.
Reforms that have improved energy-policy coordination, or helped to create a banking union, have proven to be far more robust than they may have seemed at first.
We must not only leave the EU, she argued, but also the single market and the customs union.
Britain has already accepted that Northern Ireland will have to stay in the customs union until the UK has concluded a long-term trade deal with the EU.
Should we seek a Norway-style relationship with Europe and aim to stay in both the single market and the customs union, at the cost of continuing to accept free movement of workers?
In fact, the minimal prerequisites for a working monetary union are not discussed upfront and transparently anywhere.
The main justification for a monetary union cannot be the possibly disastrous consequences of its falling apart.
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