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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

Throughout the eurozone, rising income inequality has created an underclass that is increasingly suspicious of the monetary union.
India has a several affinities with the EU, not least that it, too, is an economic and political union of linguistically, culturally, and ethnically different states.
This month, the country closed the United States’ military transit center near Bishkek, and declared its intention to join the customs union that preceded the EaEU by the end of this year.
Russia’s foreign ministry has just announced that, as of January 1, citizens of post-Soviet countries that are not members of the customs union and the EaEU will no longer be allowed to enter Russia without passports.
Turning the eurozone into a transfer union with its own parliament would only deepen the divide between the eurozone countries and the EU’s northern and eastern member states: Denmark, Sweden, Poland, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria.
Because most of those countries will not join a European transfer union, they would be cut off permanently.
Only then will Europe’s union for peace become a reality, and not just a platitude invoked by politicians.
To achieve this goal, however, he will have to break from the precedent set by his predecessors, who always categorically ruled out a political union.
And he will have to acknowledge Germany’s concerns that by establishing a fiscal union now, Europe would lose the opportunity to pursue a political union in the future.
Creating a fiscal union without a political union would forever block the road to European unification, and set the people of Europe against one another more than the euro ever did.
No one who wants to build a union for peace can afford to permit, much less encourage, that outcome.
“Grexit,” in turn, could be the beginning of the end of the monetary union, as investors would wonder which member – possibly even a core country (for example, Finland) – will be the next to leave.
A new arrangement might involve more spending at the EU level and overcoming old German taboos against a “transfer union.”
In other words, Europe faces a choice between more political union and less economic union.
The tactical alliance between the Kremlin and the populists pumps up the dream of an ideological union, stretching “from Lisbon to Vladivostok,” based not on Western but on “Eurasian” values.
The French, and the Germans (though the latter less willingly), have made the achievement of monetary union the foundation of their EU strategy.
If either were to fail these tests, monetary union would be stillborn.
Unless a big recovery of the French economy occurs, with a significant fall in the unemployment rate, any incoming French socialist government would be under pressure to launch an expansive budgetary policy, which might be incompatible with monetary union in Europe.
He cannot be sure that France will pass the test for monetary union on time.
It took some time, but Yanukovych’s determination to press on with the European integration efforts begun by his predecessor, Viktor Yushchenko, has become increasingly clear – in the face of repeated calls (and sometimes thinly veiled threats) by Russia to join its customs union with Belarus and Kazakhstan.
But only Europe’s currency union faces uncertainty about its future;America faces no existential crisis for its currency.
Successive generations of post-war European political leaders initiated the European Union and then currency union in order to knit countries so closely together that another major war between them would become impossible.
Whether monetary union was necessary to accomplish that aim is debatable.
Historical efforts at monetary union have sometimes collapsed, and sometimes they have survived multiple crises.
The problem with debt restructuring in the eurozone is that it is essential and, at the same time, inconsistent with the implicit constitution underpinning the monetary union.
Indeed, any political union that the Eurogroup would endorse today would be disciplinarian and ineffective.
Taking it would help to heal Europe’s wounds and clear the ground for the debate that the European Union needs about the kind of political union that Europeans deserve.
But, as Michael K. Young, President of Texas A&M University, has explained, because the US Constitution was fashioned when various states, which already had their own laws, agreed to create a political union, it functions like a set of ground rules for negotiations among states, as well as among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.
The second thing that must happen is that eurozone leaders and parliaments, with the cooperation of the courts, must be seen to push ahead with institutional reforms to establish not only the ESM, but also a banking union and partial debt mutualization.
If these three steps – an ECB bond-buying program to hold down sovereign interest rates, concrete progress on establishing a real economic union, and realistic revision of current adjustment programs – could be achieved as a package, the resources that the ECB would need to use for its bond purchases would drop, because credibility would be restored.
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