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Troops in sentence

1360 examples of Troops in a sentence

Although Japan did receive some appreciation for its dispatch of naval squadrons to the Mediterranean, it endured wide criticism for its refusal to send ground troops.
It is in recognition of the possible consequences - a return of US isolationism, the emboldening of terrorists - that many countries sent and retain troops in Iraq.
Civil war followed, and in 1992 Russian troops entered Transdnistria, where they remain.
Moldovan officials have made five fruitless visits to Moscow to plead with President Vladimir Putin to explore a solution and withdraw Russian troops.
Last spring, 200 US Marines arrived in Darwin, Australia, for the first six-month rotation to serve and train alongside Australian troops and operate with regional partners.
The British Empire was ruled in large part through reliance on local troops.
When the war started, the first thing the Israeli army command sought was the evacuation of the area’s settlements, which Israel’s generals knew would quickly become an impossible burden, and an obstacle to maneuver, for their troops.
When Soviet troops crushed the Hungarian Uprising of 1956, some 200,000 Hungarians fled their country.
Meanwhile, leaks from Chinese think tanks have suggested that if the North Korean regime collapses, China could well send troops to preserve the country’s stability.
Already, China has deployed thousands of troops in Pakistani-administered Kashmir, with the goal of turning Pakistan into its land corridor to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean.
China’s stationing of its own troops in the Pakistani part of Kashmir for years, ostensibly to protect its ongoing strategic projects there, betrays its lack of confidence in Pakistani security arrangements – and suggests that China will continue to enlarge its military footprint in Pakistan.
The US committed 28,000 troops, which for a time imposed a modicum of security.
But ill-equipped and poorly led UN replacement forces for the American presence put the remaining US troops in the bull’s eye as they attempted to bring to justice the Somali warlord responsible for the death of Pakistani peacekeepers.
If the PKK is able to launch a major attack on troops or civilians inside Turkey, the public outcry might leave Erdogan with little choice but to up the ante.
Most supplies headed for US troops in Iraq and Afghanistan move through the Incirlik airbase in Turkey.
Instead, regardless of whether it actually pulls back its troops to South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Russia has crossed the Rubicon, making this a watershed moment in the West’s post-Cold War relations with Russia.
Thus, in contrast to the West’s temporizing, the strategy of Assad’s allies is clearly defined: military victory for the regime, backed by ample supplies of weapons and, in the case of Iran, Lebanese proxy troops from Hezbollah on the ground.
A contingent of roughly 2,500 troops from 22 countries went to the DRC in mid-2003 to support United Nations troops, and provided a rapid reaction force that snuffed out disorder in Kinshasa before it could erupt into full-blown mayhem.
That American troops are being withdrawn from Korea and sent to Iraq is both unfortunate and revealing.
Sarkozy’s visit to London also produced a Franco-British commitment to promote the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), and in France’s case to send more troops to Afghanistan.
If Obama improves America’s global standing with support from political heavyweights such as Vice President Joe Biden, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Defense Secretary Bob Gates, National Security Adviser James Jones (a former NATO Supreme Commander), and Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki (a former United States Army Chief), he should be able to ask more from America’s allies, particularly for NATO to send more troops to Afghanistan.
Although his national security team consists of people who largely supported the war in Iraq, Obama has made it clear that his agenda includes withdrawing troops from that country.
Substantial redeployments of US military forces and assets, triggered by the need for additional troops in Afghanistan and ongoing problems over the US-Japan status-of-forces agreement, are already taking place.
To be sure, the country’s “America” card – the result of the two countries’ longstanding strategic relationship (I myself was educated at West Point and fought alongside US troops in the Korean War) – must be played carefully and not be taken for granted.
During the early stages of the Islamic State’s siege of the Kurdish town of Kobani, just across the border in Syria, Turkey seemed to be replicating the Soviet Union’s tactic during the 1944 Warsaw uprising, when Nazi German troops fought Polish resistance fighters: Let the belligerents exhaust each other as much as possible before intervening.
But it adamantly opposed any involvement of ground troops.
Indeed, the violence in Syria demonstrates that Turkey’s capacity for autonomous action in its region has diminished over the course of the Arab Spring and following the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq.
And, as the US pours more troops and money into Afghanistan, military expediency is once again trumping other policy goals in Central Asia.
Far from intimidating the Palestinians by bombing Gaza and mobilizing troops, the Israelis made Hamas look heroic in its resistance.
After the terrorist attacks on the US of September 2001, it wanted to withdraw troops from Saudi Arabia, and it presumably chose Iraq as its new long-term base of operation.
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