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Treaty in sentence

1054 examples of Treaty in a sentence

For this reason, it is more important than ever that the international community upholds existing treaty obligations, starting with the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
Article VI of the NPT obliges parties to pursue “in good faith” negotiations to disarm, but the nuclear-weapons states that have ratified the treaty do not interpret this as a prohibition on their possessing a nuclear arsenal.
And, last year, they committed their views to a supplementary treaty at the United Nations.
Better known as the “ban treaty,” the TPNW is an important step toward the establishment of a new international norm.
But, because the ban treaty goes beyond the NPT in two key respects, it has also drawn heavy opposition.
The ban treaty would prohibit so-called nuclear sharing arrangements, whereby allies of nuclear weapon states could store weapons on these states’ territory.
If the global non-proliferation regime is to remain viable, the competing visions reflected in the NPT and the ban treaty must be reconciled.
Some experts have suggested that hardline opposition to the ban treaty could prompt a backlash from countries that have grown disillusioned with the NPT, leading to widespread withdrawal from the 1968 treaty.
Even countries that have refused to sign the treaty have a stake in its survival, with or without the ban treaty, given the serious global security implications of its unraveling.
This was among the problems that the EU’s controversial Lisbon treaty was designed to fix.
The text of the Lisbon treaty is studiously vague in its job description of the president’s role – an approach that prevented trouble for treaty’s framers, but merely postponed disagreement.
Everything else that has been proposed to save the eurozone in its current form – a central treasury, a monetary authority that does more than target inflation, fiscal harmonization, a new treaty – is a political pipe dream.
Indeed, this year, two countries, Greece and Ireland, were bailed out by the rest of the EU, even though Article 125 of the consolidated EU treaty stipulates that no member state is to stand in for the debt of another, a guarantee that Germany required as a pre-condition for giving up its beloved Deutschmark.
Moreover, at their pre-Christmas summit, European heads of state agreed to amend the EU treaty by legitimizing the European Financial Stability Mechanism, now called the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), and making it a permanent institution.
No peace treaty ended the Cold War, so it remains unfinished.
Greater Europe, in which I include not only Russia, but also the US, needs a new peace treaty, or rather system of accords, that draw a line under Europe’s horrible twentieth century and thus prevent a historical relapse.
What is needed is a new pan-European treaty on collective security, signed either by individual countries or by NATO and the EU, as well as by Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States.
Countries not included in any of the current security systems would be able to join in the treaty and receive multilateral guarantees.
At the same time, financial markets are forcing fiscal retrenchment on governments, as will the planned new fiscal treaty (on which Germany, among others, insisted).
He has indicated that, if elected, he would re-negotiate the fiscal treaty and seek to alter the statutes of the European Central Bank – perhaps as an early sign of willingness to break with European orthodoxy.
A year after the 1992 treaty, President Bill Clinton tried to pass an energy tax that would have helped the US to begin reducing its dependence on fossil fuels.
To ratify a treaty requires the support of 67 of the Senate’s 100 members, a nearly impossible hurdle.
The idea this time around is to avoid the need for 67 votes, at least at the start, by focusing on domestic legislation rather than a treaty.
The politics of the US Senate should not obscure the larger point: America has acted irresponsibly since signing the climate treaty in 1992.
The growing role of international institutions under the UN umbrella provides greater confidence that disputes can be addressed peacefully and even sensibly, with significant inputs of scientific expertise as in the Climate Change treaty.
When it comes to the treaty to reform the Union’s institutions, which will be finalized in November, recent events suggest that amnesia does play a central role.
The quick-tempered twins took issue with the reform treaty’s proposed voting system for the Council of Ministers, and then stole the limelight from papacy with their own homophobic declarations, proclamations that seem to exclude any possibility of integrating the EU’s Charter of Rights into Poland’s domestic law.
In this climate, Dutch Prime Minister Peter Balkenende, still bogged down in his country’s “no” vote on the EU’s draft constitutional treaty in 2005, has been seeking to win British, Czech, and Polish support for measures to make it possible to diminish the EU’s areas of responsibility.
But it must go further, demanding that any treaty should include a provision for surveillance and sanctions; that a country’s right to veto intervention be limited according to the amount of time that has passed and the issue at stake; and that measures to protect populations be decided upon by majority vote.
Cash-strapped Armenia had no alternative but to hand over the shares, which it did in a 2002 treaty candidly titled “Possessions in Exchange for Debt” – a reminder of the infamous “debt-for-equity” swaps of the Yeltsin years (another Chubais invention), which spawned Russia’s oligarchs.
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