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Transition in sentence

2200 examples of Transition in a sentence

The Right Time for Climate ActionPARIS – During most of the roughly three decades since climate change became a global concern, governments optimistically assumed that a green transition would happen naturally over time, as rising fossil-fuel prices nudged consumers toward low-carbon alternatives.
Avoiding Algeria in EgyptPORTO – The military coup that has overthrown Egypt’s first democratically elected president and led to the arrests of Muslim Brotherhood leaders across the country poses an enormous danger not only for Egypt’s democratic transition, but for the democratic hopes of the entire Arab world as well.
The prospects for Egypt’s democratic transition have become increasingly difficult to predict, but one thing is clear: the military cannot and must not be trusted.
Of course, it is possible for soldiers to assure a transition to democracy, as they did four decades ago in my homeland, Portugal, following their overthrow of the Salazar/Caetano dictatorship.
Equally, the transition period is already turbulent, with convergence-driven capital flows driving up exchange rates and complicating monetary policy in several candidate countries, including Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary.
To A Ukrainian SpringEvery person living in Ukraine is forced to believe in three great falsehoods: the first consists of the assumption that all of today's humiliating disorders - economic collapse, poverty, unemployment - are natural consequences of our postcommunist transition.
But they do reflect the agenda of those seeking to fan Buddhist resentment in order to thwart Myanmar’s democratic transition.
That dark ambition has gained urgency, because the country is due to hold its first democratic presidential election since the transition began in 2011.
Farther east, the US and Russia are not cooperating as expected on Afghanistan’s post-war transition.
To prevent this, China needs to create a more straightforward and transparent tax system, with a transition to more explicit and direct taxation.
But within that aggregate global total and those price averages, important distributive and transition effects will require careful management.
Third, governments must carefully manage the transition to higher carbon prices, in particular where taxes interact with volatile commodity prices.
And higher fuel taxes can speed the transition to that end point.
Since World War II, many countries have attempted the transition from low- to high-income status, but only 13 have succeeded – and all had relatively low levels of official corruption.
South Africa, another country that is proud of its exemplary transition to democracy, suffers from the same problem in an even more extreme version.
This is the second conservative-to-liberal transition of power in the country’s democratic history.
During the coming transition period, the world will need new mechanisms for international dialogue.
So a better balance is needed to mitigate the concerns of diverse social and political actors whose participation is needed to renew constitutional frameworks, strengthen the rule of law, and revive national identity and state institutions in a context of democratic transition.
The bottom line is that security-sector reform cannot be undertaken in isolation from the wider process of democratic transition and national reconciliation.
Today’s Arab states in transition are discovering how difficult it is to replace deep-seated authoritarian practices and relationships with sustained democratization, a process that depends crucially on transforming their security sectors.
Germany, for example, is planning the world’s most ambitious low-carbon energy transition, based on energy conservation and renewables.
Powerful interests will, of course, oppose any low-carbon transition, dismissing and often drowning out those who stand to benefit.
By contrast, Ukraine became the worst managed of all the post-Soviet states, with cronyism and corruption thwarting productive capacity, and causing the country to fall further and further behind other post-communist countries in transition.
A quarter-century ago, South Africa embarked on its extraordinary transition away from nearly 50 years of stifling apartheid, by following Nelson Mandela’s principled vision to “forgive but never forget.”
But the outcomes of South Africa’s transition are far from perfect.
Unlike many emerging-market and transition economies in the 1990’s, Russia did not abandon a fixed-exchange rate anchor in favor of an inflation-targeting regime as its guide to monetary-policy.
During the early transition years, the lack of an effective monetary-policy framework reflected the challenge of establishing new institutions and regulations, as well as the difficulty of overcoming the legacy of central planning, under which budget and credit financing were indistinguishable.
To be sure, the muted impact of inflation on interest rates is not surprising in transition economies, where the mechanisms of monetary-policy transmission and financial intermediation took long periods to put in place and still need reform and regulation.
That distinguished him from Klaus, the other leading figure of the post-communist transformation, who advocated a quick transition, stripped, if possible, of inconvenient moral scruples and impediments posed by the rule of law.
Russia may now go on to complete its transition from communism to capitalism.
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