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Transfers in sentence

784 examples of Transfers in a sentence

On the other hand, simply restoring adequate liquidity would stop the run, reduce the risk of insolvency, and thus preempt the need for fiscal transfers.
But at least the West’s working class had access to cheap loans and inflated house prices to offset the impact of stagnant wages and declining fiscal transfers.
For example, it should complete negotiations with the US on an improved “Safe Harbor” framework for data transfers, thereby encouraging companies on both sides of the Atlantic to rely on transfers of commercial data.
The populist Five Star Movement, which won by a landslide in Southern Italy, has promised to increase spending on public investment and social transfers, while reversing the pension reform enacted a few years ago.
But experiences with direct cash transfers in a range of countries, including Ecuador, India, Mexico, and Uganda, have not provided much evidence of such misuse; in general, the cash is spent on worthwhile goods and services.
We now have a rulebook for measuring greenhouse-gas emissions, sharing know-how, and measuring financial transfers from rich to poor countries.
Transfers of US-dollar bank balances average a staggering $2.7 trillion per day, yet are routinely settled through the use of standardized banking and communications protocols.
But if Europe does not adopt some combination of the first three options as policy goals over the next five years, it will face a stark choice: either lost decades for southern Europe (and perhaps northern Europe as well), or continued north-south payment imbalances that will have to be financed through fiscal transfers – that is, by taxing the north.
Greece was a country that, for two decades, had lived off transfers from Brussels, squandering the money with high wages for public sector employees in an economy with low growth and high inflation.
In a monetary union, there are only two ways to close a competitiveness gap between countries: transfers from the more competitive to the less competitive, or internal devaluation, which means real wage cuts.
Not surprisingly, the preference has been for transfers, which, until the 2008 financial crash, took the form of cross-border private-sector lending to governments and banks.
Following the credit-bubble burst in 2008, fiscal transfers replaced these private financial flows, causing budget deficits to balloon.
And now, with the German government, as chief creditor, calling the shots on cross-border transfers to weaker eurozone countries, all such transfers are conditional on austerity (that is, internal devaluation).
This partly reflects training in foreign affiliates, but the main reason has been the Chinese government’s sustained effort to foster education and training, encourage technology transfers from foreign to domestic firms, and, in particular, to build up research and development capabilities.
Even if it gives rise to future tax liabilities (and some of it will), these will be transfers from taxpayers to bond holders.
But, given limited interregional transfers and labor mobility, this means that the continent has far less ability to absorb disparate shocks through the operation of so-called automatic stabilizers.
Surely, part of the problem is that governments use employment not just to provide services, but also to make implicit transfers.
In 2005-2007, PiS implemented neoliberal economic policies (for example, eliminating the highest income-tax bracket and the estate tax); this time, it has enacted the largest social transfers in Poland’s contemporary history.
Because both Tudjman and Milosevic believed in ethnically homogeneous states, they fomented forced population transfers (ie, ethnic cleansing) and a division of territory between each other.
Indeed, some contend that income inequality drives economic growth and that redistributive transfers weaken the incentive to work, in turn depressing productivity, reducing investment, and ultimately harming the wider community.
Experiments with unconditional cash transfers have been taking place in poor as well as rich countries.
The Global Financial Integrity Institute (GFI) reports that, in 2011, developing countries lost almost a trillion dollars through illicit transfers to the developed world.
Restrictions on technology transfers and linkages, often justified by national security concerns, would give rise to competing and incompatible standards.
Amid cold war-fueled economic fragmentation – especially the aforementioned restrictions on trade and technology transfers – urgently-needed breakthroughs would become much more difficult to achieve.
But it is not only local governments that have benefited; through cash transfers created during the so called neo-liberal years, families have gained as well, most importantly through a universal and non-contributive old-age pension benefit given to persons over 60, which reaches slightly more than 30% of households.
The Bolivian economy has grown moderately under Morales’s management, owing to international demand and cash transfers from the state to local governments and individuals.
Would dispensing aid by making cash transfers directly to the poorest work better?
Despite reportedly promising that US weapons transfers would halt, President Donald Trump has not changed course, and American arms continue to flow to the Kurds.
But such permanent fiscal transfers are politically impossible in the eurozone, where Germans are Germans and Greeks are Greeks.
Each alone legitimately transfers risk to those better able to bear it, or backs financial holdings.
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