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Transfers in sentence

784 examples of Transfers in a sentence

These transfers have accelerated convergence when put to good use (for example, in several Spanish provinces), but have been ineffective when wasted (as in Greece).
Germans, who since reunification in 1990 know what they are talking about when it comes to such transfers, do not want to hear about a Europe where rich regions would permanently finance pockets of under-development.
Conceptually, the eurozone must include solidarity with countries facing hardship, because this is what unites and gives strength to the whole – but without the heavy machinery of a federal budget or a permanent increase in transfers.
Somewhat higher inflation in the surplus countries and larger cross-border resource transfers would give the deficit countries more time, allowing for structural reforms to produce results and reducing the need for deflation.
The only solution, many euro supporters now contend, is full political union, which would allow for fiscal transfers from the eurozone’s more competitive countries to their weaker counterparts.
But southern Italy, which has not used the fiscal transfers from the north on which it has long depended to transform its economy or boost productivity, demonstrates how little impact this approach can have.
This is probably what German Chancellor Angela Merkel meant when, in private discussions at last December’s European Council meeting, she reportedly said that, though Germany “cannot afford transfers to the whole of Europe,” it can “help to pay the doctors’ bills.”
A second reason is that Germans are fed up with being Europe’s scapegoat – blamed for their neighbors’ ills while being asked to take on risks and provide generous financial transfers.
In practice, however, such transfers hardly ever take place, so the potential gains from opening trade may fail to materialize.
And it has deployed a variety of methods – including weak intellectual property (IP) protections, technology transfers as a condition for joint ventures with Chinese partners, evasion of export controls, and regulatory harassment – to acquire such technologies from the US and other trading partners.
Lower public spending reduces aggregate demand, while declining transfers and higher taxes reduce disposable income and thus private consumption.
According to the coalition agreement, €36 billion of the surplus will be allocated to various outlays such as transfers to families, higher agricultural and regional subsidies, housing-construction incentives, roads and related infrastructure, universities and school buildings, and even the military.
And even where revenues are otherwise adequate, states have an incentive to spend more on social programs and, pointing to the resulting deficits, ask for additional federal transfers.
Simple redistribution of income through taxes and transfers is far more direct and more potent, and would certainly serve to expand aggregate demand.
The so-called Umbrella Agreement puts in place safeguards regarding data transfers for the purpose of law enforcement and addresses long-standing European concerns about the right to privacy.
The authors compare the Gini coefficient (a commonly used 100-point index of inequality, with zero signifying perfect equality and 100 indicating perfect inequality) before and after government taxes and transfers.
This reflects EU countries’ spending on enterprise subsidies, social transfers, and state administration – all of which should be reduced.
And whereas fiscal transfers help counter inequality and fight poverty, they do little to repair the social fabric.
To the extent that government becomes involved in restructuring financial institutions, it should avoid unnecessary wealth transfers from taxpayers to the security holders of the financial institutions.
Third, economists should move beyond the (generally correct) observation that such distributional effects can be addressed through taxation and transfers, and work out how exactly that should happen.
And, beyond transfers, will Europeans, or some of them, agree to create a banking union (that is, Europeanization of banking supervision, deposit insurance, and crisis resolution)?
Such transfers of wealth might be justified as a one-time historic bargain, in which young and old share the burden of transition.
Policymakers normally respond to recessions by cutting interest rates, reducing taxes, and boosting transfers to the unemployed and other casualties of the downturn.
We should ask, for example, whether it makes sense to repatriate powers and financial transfers from Brussels to Westminster, or if some powers and financing should instead be devolved to the regions and nations.
To be sure, it was possible to address the first generation of global development problems with straightforward transfers of capital and solutions from rich to poor countries.
They demand long-term capacity building and knowledge transfers from rich to poor countries, with the latter gaining far more agency in developing solutions.
Since 1989 – and particularly since 2004, when they joined the EU – they have benefited from massive financial transfers in the form of European structural and cohesion funds.
The creation of the euro without an appropriate fiscal union meant that transfers from surplus to deficit regions would not eliminate or even cushion demand imbalances.
And they question the sustainability of economic and fiscal unification – allowing transfers to the weaker countries – in the absence of political unification involving loss of sovereignty.
State governments in the US exercise little sovereignty in large part because they have less need of it: their residents receive transfers from the center and send their representatives to Washington, DC, to help make federal policy.
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