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Trading in sentence

1439 examples of Trading in a sentence

The basic principle of non-discrimination is at risk: once trading countries negotiate separately with each other, various forms of discrimination become inevitable, giving rise to various kinds of conflicts.
A focus on preferential agreements would fragment the global trading system, rather than integrating it.
Even when WTO decisions have had serious negative effects on a trading partner, they have generally been accepted.
In fact, such balance is very difficult to achieve in an open trading system, and pursuing it would actually be damaging, as it would undermine the overall benefits gained through trade.
If this leads to a weakening of the dollar, it would also have negative effects on trading partners.
One key sign is the documented change in the character of oil trading, with speculators (i.e., financial institutions and hedge funds) now accounting for 70% of trades, up from 37% seven years ago.
That is why I recently proposed a measure to provide firms with more flexibility on mark-to-market requirements and to facilitate asset transfer from the trading book to the banking book.
This issue aside, I have never been persuaded that capital requirements on trading books should be materially lower than for those on banking books.
When liquidity dries up, trading becomes impossible without a very sharp discount.
To be sure, the probability of default might be lower on a trading book because of the shorter time that the assets are held.
But the scale of total capital erosion in the event of default is the same, regardless of whether the asset has been held for a single day on the trading book or an entire decade on the banking book.
If you are really worried about those extra emissions, you could offset the damage caused by your child’s lifetime emissions for about $23,400 (€19,600) in the European Union’s emissions trading system.
More securitization, easier online trading, and other financial-market developments in recent years have facilitated greater speculative investments, especially in commodity futures and options markets.
That number is then adjusted for the inflation differential between the country and its trading partners.
The TPP’s initial scope was relatively modest, involving the United States and a range of trading partners (Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam).
One of the major shortcomings of the global trading system in recent decades has been the absence of an effective constraint on countries that intervene heavily in order to keep their currencies undervalued.
But currency manipulation is also an unfair way to gain a trading advantage, with excessive negative effects on trading partners.
But if the global trading system remains open to competition, skilled workers’ ability to forestall labor-saving technology indefinitely should prove little more successful than such attempts by unskilled workers in the past.
Similarly, the EU should engage internationally to ensure that the Internet remains a key part of the global trading system.
But the effects of quantitative easing on economic activity are uncertain, and such an inflationary policy might well invite retaliation from Europe’s trading partners.
Instead of distorting their economies to qualify for second-class EU membership, perhaps they would be better off sheltering under Nato's umbrella and relying on global trading arrangements to seek their fortunes beyond Europe's shores.
With the trading arrangements of the European common market increasingly subsumed by the globalisation of free trade and agriculture under the World Trade Organisation, and with American dominance of Nato providing the only meaningful security guarantee, and with English now irrevocably established as the world's lingua franca, a clear alternative is emerging for the peripheral European countries, both rich and poor.
China’s management of food and product safety issues will have a long-term impact on trade relations, the sustainability of China’s growth strategy, and its further integration into the global trading system.
But neither country can protect its way to prosperity: protectionism harms China’s industrial development and our efforts to build stronger trading relationships.
For example, the UK and the US may be adopting approaches that differ with respect to protecting commercial banks from more speculative, proprietary trading, but the policy concerns are broadly similar – and may not be so pressing elsewhere, where banking traditions are different and trading is more restrained.
But individual countries would orient intervention and economic policies toward defending the equilibrium rate, or, more radically, an international authority might authorize aggressive intervention by trading partners to promote consistency.
It is also reflected in the increasing number of non-trade-related provisions being inserted into the PTA treaties proposed by the US and EU, a result of self-serving lobbies that seek concessions by weaker trading partners, without which free trade supposedly would amount to “unfair trade.”
As Wolfers explains,“The principle of comparative advantage tells us that gains from trade are largest when your trading partner has skills and endowments that are quite different from yours.
That would help not only the US economy, but also the economies of all of America’s trading partners.
But, regardless of who leaves first, any countries trading in the euro for their defunct national currencies would, like an independent Scotland, have to determine the right degree of exchange-rate flexibility.
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