Trading
in sentence
1439 examples of Trading in a sentence
Argentina is now Brazil’s second-largest
trading
partner, behind the United States, while Brazil is Argentina’s largest
trading
partner, ahead of the US.
For example, the US has effectively balkanized global banking by requiring all foreign banks operating there to become subsidiary companies and requiring international banks with US-dollar clearing accounts to comply fully with US tax, regulatory, and even, to some degree, foreign policy (for example, refraining from
trading
with US enemies).
For most of today’s inhabitants of bank
trading
floors, that is ancient history.
Lacking access to basic economic tools such as exchange rate and monetary policies, Argentina could not surmount the profound external shocks of the second half of the 1990s, when export prices fell, the US dollar appreciated, and Brazil, the country's main
trading
partner, devalued its currency.
Domestic retail investors account for 12% of that capitalization – and are responsible for over 80% of overall
trading
activity.
In London, the FTSE 100 was off by 2.3% when
trading
ended that day.
Louis Uchitelle of The New York Times quotes the highly intelligent Catherine Mann commenting on the "co-dependent relationship…between the US and its
trading
partners," which might "last for quite some time," because "the US and its main
trading
partners have a vested interest in the status quo."
Since he became president, Ahmadinejad has encouraged this basij economy, and today the pasdaran are granted
trading
licenses and exclusive control and use of some ports.
They have
trading
licenses (kartibazargani) while foreigners do not, and thus they are also party to all trade deals.
That attempt never generated much
trading
volume.
Initial indications suggest growing interest in futures
trading
for home prices, particularly as so much talk about the “housing bubble” underscores the importance of diversifying risk.
During this time, Italy became 25% more expensive (on the basis of its GDP deflator) than its eurozone
trading
partners.
With emerging economies (including China) slowing, and with meaningful multilateral policy coordination remaining inadequate, protectionist pressures will mount as major
trading
powers compete for a stagnant pie.
Trading
on the momentum of price movements may then become a rational activity that becomes self-fulfilling, as investors decide to “ride the bubble” while it lasts.
In addition, America’s
trading
partners can be expected to respond in kind, putting export-led US economic growth at serious risk.
That doesn’t mean US policymakers should shy away from addressing unfair
trading
practices.
As a nation of laws, the US can hardly afford to operate outside the scope of a rules-based global
trading
system.
If anything, that underscores the tragedy of the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which would have provided a new and powerful framework to address concerns over Chinese
trading
practices.
The EU is the world’s largest economy, with annual GDP of more than €15.5 trillion ($21.3 trillion), and its greatest
trading
power, accounting for 20% of world trade.
For example, when the US urges German fiscal stimulus – as at it did in Bonn in 1978, in London in 2009, and at the G-20’s Brisbane summit in 2014 – it has in mind the “locomotive game,” in which fiscal stimulus has positive “spillover effects” on its
trading
partners.
That said, the existence of political motivations does not undermine the legitimacy of the new EU investigations, which will be conducted alongside an ongoing inquiry by the United States Justice Department into anti-competitive practices in the trading, clearing, and pricing of CDS in the US.
Over-the-counter
trading
also contributes to the opacity of derivatives markets, further reducing competition and increasing the margin enjoyed by the traders – and the prices that final users (mostly industrial firms) must pay.
To fix this problem, we need to move the bulk of derivative
trading
onto organized exchanges, where daily collateral requirements would guarantee systemic stability, and price transparency would force competition, reduce margins, and increase the market’s depth.
Such a tax would instantaneously kill the intra-day
trading
that takes place in pursuit of profit margins much smaller than this, as well as the longer-term trades designed to exploit minute differentials across markets.
So we should not mourn the demise of such
trading
practices.
That could mean truly withdrawing from NAFTA, taking trade action against China and other
trading
partners, or doubling down on harsh immigration policies.
That depends on the specific characteristics of the country involved, in particular whether it has a major
trading
partner that has established a good record for stable monetary policy and so provides a desirable currency to link to.
Similarly – and this is the third critical reform priority – more aggressive action is needed to regulate financial markets, especially to prevent insider
trading
and money laundering, and to close down illegal financial centers.
When states preach virtues they do not practice, or set lower hurdles for allies,
trading
partners, or co-religionists than they do for others, irritation and non-cooperation are the least they can expect.
Not long ago, international links existed primarily among major
trading
hubs in Europe and North America; now, the web is intricate and sprawling.
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