Trade
in sentence
11085 examples of Trade in a sentence
As a result, the government’s popularity has plummeted, contributing to the Najib government’s inability to muster public support for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the proposed mega-regional
trade
agreement with the US and ten other Pacific Rim countries.
So China continues to run a giant
trade
surplus, and the US continues to spend and borrow.
But if the US-China
trade
and debt relationship merely picks up where it left off, what will prevent recurrence of the same unsustainable dynamic that we just witnessed?
Both of these measures should help a lot in bringing the US and Chinese
trade
balances toward more sustainable levels.
As the world seems to emerge from its horrific financial crisis, it is human nature for complacency to set it, and the domestic politics of the US-China
trade
and financial relationship is deeply rooted.
Outside Japan, Asia policymakers certainly don’t seem amenable to exchange-rate appreciationSince the beginning of this decade, at least a few economists (including me) have warned that the global
trade
and current-account imbalances needed to be reined in to reduce the chance of a severe financial crisis.
The more
trade
unions defend existing wage structures, and the lower productivity growth is, the longer the slump will be.
If capital controls can be easily evaded – say, by manipulating the timing of transactions or through mis-invoicing of
trade
flows – then there will be little effect on the actual volume of capital inflows.
Unfortunately, while the initiative’s goal – to foster trade, integration, and socioeconomic development within the AU – is laudable, bureaucratic inertia is likely delaying its rollout.
A confrontational stance on trade, together with greater reliance on government debt, may well extract a higher toll to balance flows of goods and services and of capital.
But the damage done to America’s image, and to the global economy, will only be further compounded by Trump’s early decisions on
trade.
He has appointed the famously protectionist
trade
litigator Robert Lighthizer to be US
Trade
Representative.
And the other two members of his
trade
triumvirate – Commerce Secretary-designate Wilbur Ross and White House
trade
adviser Peter Navarro – are no less protectionist than Lighthizer.
Moreover, ripping up
trade
agreements and raising tariffs will do nothing to create new, high-paying factory jobs.
Trump’s top priority should be to stitch it back together; but his
trade
advisers do not understand this.
Sadly, they seem intent on imposing tariffs, which will disrupt international supply chains, possibly lead to
trade
wars, and only hasten US industry’s shift abroad.
But, though the guests were expected to return home after two years, these controls gradually weakened as part of the general movement toward free
trade
and free capital movements.
Though insignificant in overall
trade
terms, especially when compared with the volatility of floating exchange-rate regimes, the renminbi’s unexpected weakening sparked a global furor.
After all, China has been under constant pressure from foreign governments to revalue, in the mistaken belief that a stronger currency would reduce China’s large
trade
surplus.
In reality, the
trade
imbalance reflects the difference between China’s large savings surplus and the even bigger US saving deficiency (largely explained by the US fiscal deficit).
Simply put, exchange-rate movements do not properly correct net
trade
(saving) imbalances between open economies; but they can increase hot money flows.
Even without hot-money inflows, the renminbi’s exchange rate would face upward pressure, owing to the absence of corresponding outflows to finance the
trade
(saving) surplus.
Given that the EU’s combined GDP is eight times larger than that of Russia, we should expect a path toward normality for Ukraine to mean that the EU would dominate the country’s foreign
trade.
Given their geographic proximity and industrial networks, the potential for
trade
between Russia and Ukraine is much greater.
For starters, with sanctions targeting Russia’s floundering economy, revived
trade
ties are becoming a source of vulnerability for these countries.
The impact goes beyond short-term
trade
and investment.
If the established powers that first benefited from the globalization of
trade
are known as the G-7, the countries, regions, and organizations that are benefiting from migration – China, India, Kurdistan, Israel, ISIS, Turkey, and Niger – could be called the M-7.
More often than not, they attribute the problem to “exogenous” factors such as global
trade
and new technologies.
While policymakers have intensified their focus on
trade
and new technologies, they have missed an even more potent driver of inequality: the endemic rent-seeking that stems from market concentration, heightened corporate power, and regulatory capture.
Consider, for example, the proliferation of wide-ranging patent-protection powers through bilateral and multilateral
trade
and investment agreements.
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