Trade
in sentence
11085 examples of Trade in a sentence
China’s
trade
surplus and the renminbi’s exchange rate were high on the list of topics that President Hu Jintao and US President Barack Obama discussed when Hu visited Washington earlier this month.
Over 80% of Hungary's GDP is now produced by the private sector; 75% of Hungary's
trade
is conducted with European Union members.
The Confederation of Indian Industry estimates that, despite the recent global financial crisis and the US recession that sparked it, bilateral
trade
in services is likely to grow from $60 billion to more than $150 billion in the next six years.
Significant
trade
and investment deals, as well as growing linkages between American and Indian universities, have confirmed that each country is developing a more significant stake in the other than ever before.
If the talks succeed, the global
trade
map will need to be redrawn.
The US would, of course, need to respond to the conclusion of any trilateral Northeast Asian FTA in order to preserve its own role in global
trade
– and in the supply chains that dominate the Asian economies.
It would likely seek to expand and deepen the infant Trans-Pacific Partnership, the
trade
agreement that President Barack Obama committed the US to last year.
The renminbi’s exchange rate has historically been fixed daily by the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), without regard to underlying market sentiment, and allowed to
trade
within very narrow limits.
Another possibility, which can accompany the first one, is that Mexico’s rapid opening to imports has bifurcated its economy between a relatively small number of technologically advanced, globally competitive winners, and a growing segment of firms, particularly in services and retail trade, that serve as the residual source of employment.
First, for too long, these economies have been obsessed with opening to international trade, attracting foreign direct investment, liberalizing prices, and achieving macroeconomic stabilization.
Trade
has always been a highly politicized issue in the United States, which is the only country to have
trade
policy featured in the first article of its constitution.
This helps to explain why former Secretary of Commerce Donald Evans once quipped that Americans are more likely to believe in Martians than in the benefits of free
trade.
Second, the US regards
trade
primarily as an instrument of political sovereignty, whereas European countries since the end of World War II have viewed it as a tool for delivering prosperity and limiting conflict.
According to Trump’s more protectionist economic advisers, the WTO is diluting US sovereignty by creating, rather than simply implementing,
trade
laws.
To his mind, it is time for Europeans to repay the favor, even though it isn’t all that clear which European economic and commercial activities benefited from supposed US-conferred advantages, unless one links
trade
with security.
Regulatory divergences are a much more important obstacle to US-European
trade
than tariffs.
And in doing so, Europe could find itself unintentionally thrust into
trade
conflicts with other countries, whose steel exports to the US will be redirected largely toward the European market.
Europe’s leaders need to convince Trump of two things: that Europeans and Americans have common interests, despite occasional divergences, and that
trade
advantages in the twenty-first century stem not from tariffs but from the establishment of common standards.
If the Trump administration shows some openness to giving Europe a better deal, the EU should try to focus on opening a broader dialogue on
trade
with the US.
Only a stronger Europe will ensure fair
trade
with emerging countries, especially China.
Slower growth in the advanced economies has also weakened
trade
flows, adding to the headwinds.
Jobs in electronics assembly, which plays a huge role in global
trade
and has helped to drive growth in many emerging economies – notably, China – are particularly vulnerable.
If Trump takes his protectionism too far, he will undoubtedly spark
trade
wars.
It is worth remembering how America’s 1930 Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act triggered global
trade
wars that exacerbated the Great Depression.
Markets are already becoming wary; full-blown panic is likely if protectionism and reckless, politicized monetary policy precipitate trade, currency, and capital-control wars.
Western democracies are facing serious internal threats – most notably, populist forces espousing dangerous policies like
trade
protectionism – that have risen largely in response to these systems’ failure to manage problems such as income inequality, political polarization, rising debt, and failing infrastructure.
(Though, true to form, Trump accompanies this common-sense assertion with the dubious suggestion that the US should cut off
trade
with China.)
Since 2006, bilateral
trade
has quadrupled, reaching roughly $100 billion this year.
In deciding to visit Ghana, a former British colony and a leading node in the global slave
trade
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Obama bypassed the Kenya of his father.
Hundreds of African-Americans live year round in Ghana today, some within a short walk of Cape Coast Castle, the slaving fort that shipped human cargo until Britain halted the
trade
in 1807.
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