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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

Finally, internal price and cost developments would have no impact on trade with non-eurozone members.
Germany is by far the largest EU exporter to China, whose trade significance, though nowhere close to that of Germany’s eurozone partners, is growing fast.
Still, if competitiveness underpins the sustainability of trade deficits, there is in principle no good economic reason to impose short-run measures – price and cost adjustments – for the purpose of achieving a long-term objective, unless the purpose of price and cost adjustment is indeed to dampen demand.
In 2011 alone, net capital inflows fell nearly 90% year on year, tourism was down 30%, the trade deficit soared to $28 billion, and GDP growth slowed from 3.8% to 1%.
While trade continues, the two countries’ military relations were halted abruptly.
Money enables us to trade – and thus to benefit from each other’s special skills and advantages.
Unsustainable fiscal deficits, questionable trade policy, a high level of inequality, crumbling infrastructure, underperforming schools, and unaffordable health care are the result of domestic choices.
As a former Chinese ambassador to Iran recently put it: “For more than a year, Trump’s diplomacy, from the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact and the Paris climate deal to the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue and the Syrian civil war, can be described as loud thunder but little rain.”
The genuinely vulnerable part of Iran’s oil trade are exports of just 750,000 barrels daily to the European Union, South Korea, and Japan.
The EU has promised to protect its trade with Iran, but even if this proves impossible, much of the Iranian oil now flowing to Europe, Japan, or other US allies will doubtless be diverted to countries such as India and China, which will free up more Saudi, Iraqi, or Russian oil for Europe and Japan.
It was only in trade policy that the lesson was learned more quickly.
During the Great Depression, a spiral of protectionist trade quotas and tariff restrictions was used to combat monetary deflation, as popular demand for political action met legislative “log-rolling” by representatives of groups with very different – and often very locally oriented – policy priorities.
Schattschneider’s analysis of the process was influential in transferring responsibility for trade measures from the US Congress to the President.
The modern equivalent of that learning about trade policy would be to think about mechanisms to ensure long-term improvement in fiscal policymaking.
In the UK, major trade union strikes have returned to the scene for the first time since early in the Thatcher era.
American power, its foreign trade, rises in the price of oil, and the industrialization of China and Latin America, make it impossible for America to lose interest in the rest of the planet.
They reflect a broader trend – one that demands a fundamental rethink of the prevailing approach to trade and free-trade agreements.
But the reality is that free trade, guided by international rules and standards, has a net positive macroeconomic impact.
Placing a high priority on support programs – trade adjustment assistance in the US and the European Globalization Adjustment Fund in the EU – with a focus on groups that are negatively affected by agreements is one obvious imperative.
A TTIP with wider regulatory convergence could facilitate a significant increase in trade.
Shifting popular opinion will take a lot more than slick messaging; it will require changes in how trade is conducted and how society adjusts to openness and progress.
The EU’s trade significance for Iran is huge, accounting for 40% of Iran’s imports and a quarter of its exports.
Such a policy would stop trade between Iran and the EU in its tracks, and Ahmadinejad knows it.
It needs to build substantially on its leadership on climate change by adopting much tougher EU goals, and then use its international economic and trade clout to champion new global emissions standards that scientific opinion can accept as meaningful.
Central banks frequently stress the limits of their powers, and bemoan lack of government progress toward “structural reform” – a catch-all phrase covering trade liberalization, labor- and product-market reforms, and measures to address medium-term fiscal challenges, such as pension age increases.
Without this transition period, British exports would come to a temporary standstill in March 2019, because agreements on product safety, labeling, food quality, public procurement, and hundreds of other little-known issues must be negotiated to trade under World Trade Organization rules – and these need to satisfy all 164 members of the WTO.
The disruption of trade flows would only be temporary, because Britain would eventually negotiate the necessary WTO agreements, but even a brief interruption could be devastating, as evidenced by the “sudden stop” in bank finance that lasted only a few weeks after the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in 2008.
The Customs Union concluded ten years ago allows free trade for all but agricultural goods.
Second, once a new infectious disease appears, its spread through airlines, ships, megacities, and trade in animal products is likely to be extremely rapid.
While American casino capitalism has collapsed, and America’s European economic satellites are suffering, China seems to be taking advantage of the situation, increasing its trade surplus in the midst of the global economic crisis.
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