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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

To restore growth, these countries must also regain competitiveness by achieving a real depreciation of their currency, thus turning trade deficits into surpluses.
Today, a devaluation would probably do little for China’s trade surplus.
After all, the country already accounts for more than 12% of global exports, so expanding its share further would probably worsen its terms of trade.
The dominance of processing trade in China – the import of raw materials and components and the export of finished goods – makes the effectiveness of devaluation even more dubious.
Indeed, China plans to shrink its trade surplus – which, to be sure, remains large – and offset the negative impact of that process by increasing domestic demand.
But whatever economic benefits Russia can offer are dwarfed by those provided by the EU – a critical trade and business partner that has been indispensable in driving Turkey’s modernization.
Immense trade flows, the rise of billions of new consumers in the emerging world, and technology breakthroughs are rapidly transforming the global economy.
Imagine that a sophisticated trading firm has invested significant resources to develop an algorithm that quickly evaluates the potential market impact of news, and then automatically sends orders to trade based on that predicted impact.
While China runs a trade deficit in services overall, it has lately been running a trade surplus in digital services of up to $15 billion per year.
In particular, they trade on the popular belief that leaders who concentrate political power are freer to guide economic growth.
These stresses have been exacerbated by the ongoing trade war between the US and China.
This is because the policies they have pursued have integrated their economies so completely into global trade and finance, on unequal terms.
It remains to be see whether China, concerned that its oil trade with Sudan might jeopardize the 2008 Olympics, will decide to exert more pressure.
This unflinching support has carried over to the “just,” “defensive,” and “preventive” military operations that Crimea catalyzed, from Donbas to Syria, and even the trade war with Turkey.
The OECD’s founding convention calls on it to assist sound economic expansion and to contribute to growth in world trade on a multilateral, non-discriminatory basis.
Without the additional money that GIPS central banks created in excess of their countries’ requirements for internal circulation, trade deficits could not have been sustained, and the GIPS’ commercial banks would have been unable to prop up asset prices (which all too often were those of government bonds).
So, with policymakers and pundits railing against sustained oversized trade imbalances, we need to recognize that the real problems are rooted in excessive concentrations of debt.
The establishment of renminbi-based oil trading at a time when China and many other economies confront aggressive US tariffs, and possible further development of renminbi-based trade in other commodity markets, suggests that the US dollar could face an unprecedented challenge to its hegemony.
It may in the near future no longer be seen as the anchor of the international monetary system, bringing to an end to what Valéry Giscard d’Estaing famously called the “exorbitant privilege” enjoyed by the US as a result of the dollar’s centrality in international trade.
It is also a way for China to capitalize on the US trade sanctions imposed against it – exposing liabilities in these sanctions.
Meanwhile, special economic zones could be established in frontline countries to attract investment and create jobs for refugees, with the G-20 offering preferential trade status.
On trade and tariffs, while AMLO’s specific stances are unknown, many of his economic proposals contradict the letter or the spirit of NAFTA.
Establishing floor prices for many agricultural products, and ensuring that Mexico produces what it consumes, runs counter to many NAFTA provisions – and to Trump’s goal of reducing the bilateral US trade deficit.
This difference reflects a more fundamental shift in the US approach to trade.
The Bush administration generally favored open trade; its hand was forced by the domestic steel lobby, at a time when the industry was generating large losses.
By contrast, the Trump administration’s desire to protect the (now profitable) domestic steel sector reflects a belief that free trade, in general, has benefited others at the expense of the US.
Unlike the US – which has apparently abandoned economic logic in its search for quick “wins” on trade – the EU is a slow-moving entity that generally prioritizes economic logic above geopolitical considerations and favors long-term agreements.
Neoliberals attacked the expense of entitlement programs and the vested interests of trade unions.
Likewise, Peretz, a rabble-rousing but effective trade unionist, surprised all when he won the Labor Party’s leadership primary and then chose the defense portfolio over the treasury.
From trade regulations and nuclear non-proliferation to climate action and maritime boundaries, there is a yearning for the clarity and certainty that only “hard” law can provide.
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