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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

China’s large external surplus – above 10% of GDP in 2007 – has narrowed significantly in recent years, with the trade imbalance falling to about 2.5% of GDP.
Obviously, not all countries can run trade surpluses at the same time.
A big difference, however, was the turnaround in Germany’s external balance, with annual deficits in the 1990’s swinging to a substantial surplus in recent years, thanks to its trade partners in the eurozone and, more recently, the rest of the world.
Moreover, a trade agreement with Afghanistan that allows Afghan goods to cross Pakistan en route to India may be one step towards an improvement of economic relations with that large and rapidly growing neighbor.
Still, it seemed more likely to pass than the other two pending Latin American trade deals with Panama and Peru.
But, just as former US Vice-President Al Gore recently refused to share a dais with Uribe in Miami, many members of Congress refuse to approve a trade agreement or an aid package that may link them to a government tainted by egregious human rights abuses, complicity with drug lords, or both.
The US has never really wanted to include human rights issues in trade agreements; at best, and only when forced, US presidents have consented to incorporating labor and environmental chapters.
The European Union thinks differently; in its economic cooperation and free trade agreement with Mexico, for example, it insisted on – and achieved – the inclusion of a “democracy clause” that made its economic benefits conditional on ongoing respect for democratic rule and human rights.
For example, protectionist Democrats in the US Congress have been able to insulate themselves from charges of opposing free trade if they scuttle Colombia’s FTA, because they will most likely ratify the deals for Panama and Peru.
In a region where threats to democracy and human rights are growing, linking trade and economic policy to these considerations is not a bad idea.
Yet, despite these headwinds, the merchandise trade deficit fell by a quarter between 1931 and 1932.
Second, Britain was able quickly to put in place a set of favorable trade deals, negotiated with Commonwealth countries at the Ottawa Conference in 1932.
In today’s more complicated legal environment, it will take years to negotiate trade deals with the EU and then other partners.
The trade deficit with the dollar area, made up of the US and other countries that used its currency to settle international payments, contracted sharply.
Third, with the creation of the European Payments Union, the UK and its European partners agreed to dismantle controls on trade with one another.
US growth is far from robust, and EU countries have made clear that they are in no hurry to negotiate a trade deal with the UK.
The balance-of-payments crisis of 1966-7 reflected the tendency of British wages to grow faster than productivity, the consequent trade deficits, and foreign investors’ reluctance to finance a position they saw as unsustainable.
And a new set of trade deals will not be concluded overnight.
But adverse movements in the terms of trade must be accommodated; they cannot be fought with monetary policy.
It is probably best to accept that commodity prices will be volatile, and to create ways to limit the adverse economic effects – for example, financial instruments that allow hedging of the terms of trade.
One might think that the details of trade agreements and tariff barriers with Ukraine would baffle most Dutch voters, and one might also wonder why they should care enough to hold a referendum.
This reflects a fundamental conflict between Thatcherism and Trumpism: the latter aims to sweep away the neoliberal consensus of unregulated markets, privatization, free trade, and immigration that comprised the former.
The Trump administration’s tendency toward trade protectionism – not to mention financial deregulation – is therefore a source of serious concern.
But uncoordinated action could result in a vicious cycle of retaliation, turning the currency war into a full-blown trade showdown, with serious consequences for all parties involved.
Globalization makes it easier for terrorists to acquire the tools of their trade and to move about.
Second, the idea that emerging-market economies could fully decouple from economic weakness in advanced economies was far-fetched: recession in the eurozone, near-recession in the United Kingdom and Japan in 2011-2012, and slow economic growth in the United States were always likely to affect emerging-market performance negatively – via trade, financial links, and investor confidence.
For example, the ongoing eurozone downturn has hurt Turkey and emerging-market economies in Central and Eastern Europe, owing to trade links.
This implies a slowdown in reforms that increase the private sector’s productivity and economic share, together with a greater economic role for state-owned enterprises (and for state-owned banks in the allocation of credit and savings), as well as resource nationalism, trade protectionism, import-substitution industrialization policies, and imposition of capital controls.
Investors outside the US can see the magnitude of the trade deficit, calculate the likely decline in the dollar required to eliminate it, and recognize that the interest rate and equity return differentials from investing in the US are insufficient to compensate for the risk that next month will be when capital inflows into America start to fall.
Its launch has sharply weakened the yen and is now leading to rising trade surpluses.
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