Trade
in sentence
11085 examples of Trade in a sentence
The
trade
unions, employers’ associations, all opposition political parties, and even many of Berlusconi’s own MPs have united against what they consider to be an aberration.
Throughout the 1990s, the American Petroleum Institute (API) – the largest oil and gas
trade
association and lobbying group in the US – repeatedly relied on economic models created by two economists, Paul Bernstein and W. David Montgomery, to argue that pro-climate policies would be devastatingly expensive.
And broadly, the business community,
trade
unions, parliament, the media, and even a plurality of the British public all favor remaining in the EU.
The anti-globalization protests in Seattle in 1999, at what was supposed to be the inauguration of a new round of
trade
talks, called attention to the failures of globalization and the international institutions and agreements that govern it.
The
trade
negotiations that followed were different – at least in principle, they were supposed to be a development round, to make up for some of the deficiencies highlighted by protesters – and the International Monetary Fund subsequently undertook significant reforms.
Trade
links between the two countries are old and deep-rooted, and they were supposed to benefit after Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s visit to Turkey in 2008, when it was decided that bilateral
trade
should double, to $20 billion, by 2011, and reach $30 billion in 2012.
Twenty thousand public companies consume 65% of the national budget and handle 80% of exports, as well as 50% of internal
trade.
Through the bonyads, the mullahs have their say in most production and
trade
deals.
They have trading licenses (kartibazargani) while foreigners do not, and thus they are also party to all
trade
deals.
By offering to permit South Korea to settle its bilateral
trade
accounts in renminbi, and to launch the first-ever Sino-South Korean initiative toward North Korea, Xi is seeking to convince South Korea’s leaders that the country’s future, including reunification, will be determined in Beijing.
Those who worship at the altar of free
trade
– including me – must come to grips with this glaring disconnect.
The best that economists can offer is David Ricardo’s early nineteenth-century framework: if a country simply produces in accordance with its comparative advantage (in terms of resource endowments and workers’ skills), presto, it will gain through increased cross-border
trade.
Economic integration and globalization are not exactly the same thing, but they rest on the same Ricardian principles of
trade
liberalization – principles that are falling on deaf ears in the political arena.
From immigration to
trade
liberalization, economic pressures on a beleaguered middle class contradict the core promises of globalization.
Trump has singled out China and Mexico, and Sanders’s opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership – the proposed
trade
deal between the US and 11 Pacific Rim countries – has pushed Hillary Clinton, the Democratic Party’s nominee, to adopt a similar stance.
Recent trends in global
trade
are also flashing warning signs.
According to the International Monetary Fund, annual growth in the volume of world
trade
has averaged just 3% over the 2009-2016 period – half the 6% rate from 1980 to 2008.
With world
trade
shifting to a decidedly lower trajectory, political resistance to globalization has only intensified.
Globalization 1.0 – the surge in global
trade
and international capital flows that occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries – met its demise between World War I and the Great Depression.
Global
trade
fell by some 60% from 1929 to 1932, as major economies turned inward and embraced protectionist
trade
policies, such as America’s infamous Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930.
In contrast to Globalization 1.0, which was largely confined to the cross-border exchange of tangible (manufactured) goods, the scope of Globalization 2.0 is far broader, including growing
trade
in many so-called intangibles – once nontradable services.
It is up to those of us who defend free
trade
and globalization to prevent that, by offering concrete solutions that address the very real problems that now afflict so many workers.
Appreciation will help China’s fight against inflation only if it brings down China’s
trade
surplus.
The second cost is implicit, but potentially far more substantial: because sterilization bonds are forced savings (and deflationary by definition), they absorb the potential investment and consumption implied by today’s
trade
surplus.
The Bank sterilizes the money supply caused by today’s
trade
surplus, but in the meantime causes further current-account surpluses in the future.
Moreover, increased imports would reduce China’s
trade
surplus and help balance China’s external position, which would be much welcomed by the international community.
To prevent this inefficient
trade
off, governments should tie central bankers’ hands by insulating them from political influence.
The pieces are largely the loot that Europeans pillaged from Africa during the slave
trade
and the colonial period.
Instead, two new major currencies emerged, as the strength of the Japanese and (West) German economies produced big
trade
surpluses.
As in the 1970's and the 1980's, the rising Asian currency is seen as a much greater threat because that is where the biggest
trade
imbalances lie.
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