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Trade in sentence

11085 examples of Trade in a sentence

What would be easy arbitrage using the Internet and delivery services gets stopped in its tracks by trade organizations and manufacturers who convince legislators and/or bureaucrats to protect their monopoly rents.
When all is said and done, however, European prices will look as they do in the US, where large divergences exist a century after free trade and a common currency were established between the states.
When it comes to currency markets, parity levels based on international trade are merely one of many factors that traders consider.
These effects often lead to calls for protectionist measures, which may reduce the benefits from international trade and real economic activity.
Over-taxed and cheated by bad trade deals, goes the argument, America needs tax relief to revive its competitive prowess.
That is what brings the balance-of-payments and trade deficits directly into the debate over fiscal policy.
And a bigger current-account deficit means that the already-large trade deficit will only widen further, violating one of the main tenets of Trumponomics – that making America great again requires closing the trade gap.
Lacking in saving, outsize US budget deficits point to sharp deterioration on the balance-of-payment and trade fronts.
Financial institutions and markets assumed productivity would continue to grow at the pace of the late 1990’s, which fostered an asset-price boom that conveyed an illusion of well-being; those not directly involved in the financial bubble were coopted through buoyant international trade.
European growth, with its heavy dependence on trade, received a special boost, as did emerging markets.
Greece and Turkey have signed eighteen mutually beneficial agreements in areas ranging from trade and energy, to environmental protection and the fight against organized crime.
The IMF’s America ProblemThe IMF’s meeting this spring was lauded as a breakthrough, with officials given a new mandate for “surveillance” of the trade imbalances that contribute significantly to global instability.
In a multilateral trading system, large bilateral trade deficits are often balanced by bilateral surpluses with other countries.
So China can have a trade deficit with the Middle East and a trade surplus with the US, but these bilateral balances indicate nothing about China’s overall contribution to global imbalances.
If one looks at multilateral trade imbalances, the US stands head and shoulders above all others.
In 2005, the US trade deficit was $805 billion, while the sum of the surpluses of Europe, Japan, and China was only $325 billion.
Any focus on trade imbalances thus should center on the major global imbalance: that of the US.
The task of assessing trade imbalances – whom to blame and what should be done – involves both economics and politics.
For example, America’s huge agriculture subsidies contribute to its fiscal deficit, which translates into a larger trade deficit.
Were China to revalue its currency, its farmers would be worse off; but in a world of free(r) trade, US farm subsidies translate into lower global agricultural prices, and thus lower prices for Chinese farmers.
Ascertaining whether a country’s trade imbalances are the result of misguided policies or a natural consequence of its circumstances is also no easy task.
A country’s trade deficit equals the difference between domestic investment and savings, and developing countries are normally encouraged to save as much as they can.
Investment is high, but further investment growth risks misallocating money, so reductions in China’s trade imbalance may be hard to achieve.
Moreover, a change in China’s exchange rate would do little to alter the multilateral trade deficit in the US.
With the US trade deficit the major global imbalance, attention should focus on how to increase its national savings – a question that US governments have struggled with for decades, and one that was frequently debated when I was chair of President Clinton’s Council of Economic Advisers.
In short, the US bears responsibility both for trade imbalances and the policies that might quickly be adopted to address them.
Latin America, the region that tried hardest to implement the "Washington Consensus" recipes--free trade, price deregulation, and privatization--has experienced low and volatile growth, with widening inequalities.
Indeed, intra-EU trade today accounts for nearly two-thirds of EU member states’ total trade.
And the EU itself is the leader in world trade, accounting for 18%, followed by the US and China.
This is also the moment to inject new energy into the Doha round of global trade talks.
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