Taxes
in sentence
2462 examples of Taxes in a sentence
The final major problem with the BAT is that it violates World Trade Organization rules, which allow border adjustment only on indirect taxation, such as value-added tax, not on direct taxes, like those levied on corporate income.
It is not that raising poor people’s standard of living above bare subsistence produces Malthusian catastrophe, or that
taxes
and withdrawal of welfare benefits make people work, at the margin, for nothing.
Thus far, the Obama administration has followed the opposite strategy, letting rip with new spending, while hoping that concern over deficits and debt will lead to pressure for higher taxes, possibly even a European-style value-added tax.
Voters want less spending, not higher
taxes.
So who will now counsel Obama that piling on additional deficits and debt to fund a vast expansion of spending is bad economics, that the costs are likely to far outweigh the benefits, and that raising
taxes
will do permanent long-term damage to the economy?
Eventually, in the late 1980s, they adopted a different strategy: They restructured the debt, eliminated financial controls, and imposed austerity, raising
taxes
and cutting spending in order to stop printing money.
And the EU’s house is fragile: it already
taxes
car imports from the US at 10%, compared to the 2.5% tariff the US has in place for car imports from the EU.
Estimates suggest that using carbon
taxes
to achieve a further 330 Mt CO2 reduction in the EU would cost $250 billion per year.
The amazing truth is that fracking has succeeded where Kyoto and carbon
taxes
have failed.
It can’t raise taxes, declare war, or sack a government (even though in theory it can dismiss all the members of the European Commission en masse, the so-called “nuclear option” that is unlikely ever to be used).
But more spending on these items will require less spending on other things – or higher
taxes.
But economic research convincingly shows that while subsidies can buy extra jobs, they eventually have to be financed with increased taxes, costing an equal number of jobs elsewhere.
For example, while Americans could have supported more aggressive fuel-economy standards or increased federal
taxes
on energy, they didn’t.
For example, now is the time to begin reducing US oil demand through improved fuel-economy standards and/or progressive increases in fuel
taxes.
The US will not solve its energy security problem until it gets better at fuel economy, possibly by a combination of technology, gasoline taxes, and regulations.
Domestically, he’s trapped between the promises he has made (such as the “Mnuchin rule” that
taxes
wouldn’t be cut for the rich), the actions of President Donald Trump (whose tax plan includes cuts for the rich), and simple arithmetic (which makes the administration’s conflicting pledges impossible to fulfill).
The social return on investment may be high, but private returns are low, owing to externalities, high taxes, poor institutions, or any of a wide array of other factors.
Even very wealthy people sometimes support it, because it would enable them to go to bed knowing that their
taxes
had finally and efficiently eradicated extreme poverty.
Conservatives argued for a private sector-driven economy, unfettered markets, low taxes, reduced government spending, and limited public goods.
Liberals and social democrats supported a private-ownership economy, markets, European integration, and increased trade, tempered by substantially redistributive
taxes
and transfers, a strong social safety net, and some public ownership in areas such as infrastructure and finance.
They may oppose the use of their
taxes
to “subsidize” poorer people who do not share their identity, such as immigrants, French-speaking Belgians, southern Italians, or Greeks.
If they remove the stimulus too soon by raising taxes, cutting spending, and mopping up the excess liquidity, the economy may fall back into recession and deflation.
At least European voters are willing to pay higher
taxes
for their public services.
Even if the foreign company does not start squeezing out its minority owners, its government will be tempted to expropriate foreign owners through windfall
taxes
(if the government is sophisticated) or nationalization (if it is unsophisticated) – especially if its voters feel, with the benefit of hindsight and populist incitement, that the assets were sold too cheaply.
Cryptocurrencies have no intrinsic value, whereas fiat currencies certainly do, because they can be used to pay
taxes.
True, an Obama victory would certainly increase his own taxes, but some things – for example, the promise of a multi-cultural America – are simply more important.
For starters, policymakers can improve the investment climate by making laws clearer,
taxes
simpler, courts faster, and bureaucrats cleaner.
In Europe, the gap was filled by public services – free education, health care, etc. – that were not fully financed by taxes, fueling public deficits and debt.
China’s multitude of export
taxes
and duties has forced Western companies to pay almost twice as much as their Chinese counterparts, creating a powerful incentive for Western manufacturers to set up shop in the Middle Kingdom to gain cheaper access to these indispensable resources.
Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democrats suggest cutting
taxes.
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