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Taxation in sentence

582 examples of Taxation in a sentence

The rate structure for personal taxation has changed over the past 30 years, with the top tax rate rising from 28% in 1986 to more than 40% now.
This constituency could grow dramatically if democrats and economic reformers focused renewed energy on the need for honesty and fairness in government; on an enhanced social safety net financed by higher taxation of natural resource enterprises; and on further market reforms aimed at separating the economy from the grasping hands of politicians and bureaucrats.
As the idea of interruption from work was extended to include the disabled and women bringing up children, so entitlements to income maintenance increased beyond the capacity of social insurance, with benefits paid to eligible individuals from general taxation.
Our research examining US tax debates over the last 200 years suggests another reason: People can agree that taxation should be fair, but disagree fundamentally about the definition of “fair.”
A bit of opportunism is also at work, for they undoubtedly also oppose EU regulation of taxation and social norms, adoption of which would deny them their comparative advantage for Western investors.
The EU has taken the lead in responding, thanks to its new privacy standards and proposed greater taxation of Facebook and other peddlers of online personal data.
He plans to cut the corporate-tax rate from 33% to 25% and exclude financial investment from wealth taxation.
There is no better way to undermine taxation then to make government work hard to get its money.
Here, indeed, is a wonderful plot to force the State to retrench, but Italians shouldn't get their hopes up too early, for Italy's supreme court ruled that taxation is not for the people to decide.
Even systems of taxation and social welfare are more sophisticated in using new tools of insurance, finance, and information technology.
A simple solution exists, if we look beyond taxation.
First, we tend to think of taxation as a panacea.
But a UBI funded via taxation is sure to trigger a backlash among struggling working people who cannot see the logic of subsidizing the idle, rich or poor.
While universities and industry may be wary of taxation, they might prefer a tissue tax over endless negotiations with countless tissue donors over the sharing of uncertain future benefits.
And, instead of being arbitrary, a tissue tax would be subject to democratic control: no taxation without representation.
The right policies – stronger social safety nets, progressive taxation, and better regulation (especially of the financial sector), to name a few – can reverse these devastating trends.
The more aggressively the Italian government, for example, cuts expenditure or increases taxation, the more its public-debt burden – already above 130% of GDP – will likely grow to unsustainable levels.
The four proposals that Hollande has put forward are so consensual that it would be difficult for Germany to oppose them: use of non-disbursed resources from the EU Structural Funds, recapitalization of the European Investment Bank, creation of project bonds, and taxation of financial transactions.
Aggressive lending from a cleaned up banking system with a new credit culture based on picking winners will supplement that strategy, as will business friendly taxation.
Government officials should not demonize private enterprise and entrepreneurial activity, nor penalize them with excessive, capricious taxation.
But if market fundamentalism blocks expansionary macroeconomic policies and prevents redistributive taxation or public spending, populist resistance to trade, labor-market deregulation, and pension reform is bound to intensify.
When we are faced with conflicting choices – burden-sharing through taxation, the organization of the public sector, the status of public employees, etc. – the member states are considered to be the only bodies entitled to decide.
Of course, we must limit the scope of competition: there is no reason, for example, to extend it to taxation.
The political culture reflected a simple principle: “no taxation, no representation.”
A large-scale survey of business managers, reported in this year’s EBRD Transition Report, reveals grave concerns with the availability of skilled labor, the predictability and transparency of taxation, and corruption.
Common taxation and Eurobonds should form part of the new fiscal structure, and the European Stability Mechanism should include a debt redemption fund large enough to resolve sovereign-debt crises.
Apart from avoiding the excess burden and injustice of taxation, they also have the benefit of inducing banks’ owners to choose a prudent investment strategy, while persuading creditors to scrutinize and select carefully the banks to which they want to lend.
At the same time, it should preserve a level playing field by explicitly prohibiting rule changes, limiting the establishment of entry and exit barriers in various industries, and using taxation, finance, and brand authentication to cultivate core competitiveness.
To this end, in addition to its taxation, finance, and trade-facilitation policies, it should establish trade-promotion mechanisms in the world’s major export markets, so that firms can build comprehensive networks of international trade-service platforms and trade-cooperation zones overseas.
In the 1960s and 1970s institutions such as unions expanded, and governments made new commitments to affordable education, social security, and progressive taxation.
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