Tariffs
in sentence
1238 examples of Tariffs in a sentence
Most tangibly, other countries can retaliate against the US by imposing their own
tariffs
on, say, US agricultural exports.
Still, some countries may have room to raise
tariffs
on certain consumer goods.
At the core of the agreement concluded by Juncker and Trump was the understanding that the European Union and the United States will “work together toward zero tariffs, zero non-tariff barriers, and zero subsidies on non-auto industrial goods,” with no new trade barriers in the meantime.
But the potential for a free-trade agreement isn’t the point; what matters is the end to the escalation of tit-for-tat measures, set in motion by Trump’s decision to impose
tariffs
on US imports of European steel.
The US president has the power to impose
tariffs
and other trade barriers unilaterally, in the interest of national security.
It is easy to fulfill, because China has already imposed
tariffs
on US soybeans in retaliation for US
tariffs
on its exports, meaning that non-US soybean producers are now likely to shift their exports to the Chinese market, freeing up the EU market for US producers.
The main impact of Chinese
tariffs
on US soybeans will thus be the redirection of global soybean flows.
Ensuring that the EU does not face the same
tariffs
as China is particularly significant, because European suppliers are Chinese exporters’ main competitors in many industries.
Drawing lessons from reforms in Afghanistan and their experience in Haiti, Belt, Kashi, and Mackinnon suggest changing the power sector’s institutional and regulatory framework, corporatizing the EDH, and establishing cost-reflective
tariffs.
But it has long been recognized that subsidies can be just as destructive as
tariffs
– and even less fair, since rich countries can better afford them.
Is Europe Ready for a Trade War?PARIS – US President Donald Trump’s decision to impose import
tariffs
of 25% on steel and 10% on aluminum is surprising neither for its expression of protectionist ideology nor for its sheer economic irrationality.
Trump has temporarily exempted those two countries from the tariffs, but now expects concessions from them in his administration’s renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement.
Regulatory divergences are a much more important obstacle to US-European trade than
tariffs.
Europe’s leaders need to convince Trump of two things: that Europeans and Americans have common interests, despite occasional divergences, and that trade advantages in the twenty-first century stem not from
tariffs
but from the establishment of common standards.
The European response to Trump’s import
tariffs
should thus be twofold.
First, the EU should retaliate – but only if the US does not exempt the EU from its higher
tariffs.
America’s trading partners will have little choice but to respond to US import restrictions by imposing their own
tariffs
on US exports.
But there is no reason to think that the Trump administration – which has threatened
tariffs
on all Chinese products – will reverse course.
This is the logic driving support for US President Donald Trump’s escalating
tariffs.
Moreover, Trump’s decision to subject the EU (as well as other US allies such as Canada and Mexico) to import
tariffs
on steel and aluminum has unified European leaders in outrage and disgust.
Trump’s
tariffs
have thus provided a perfect opportunity for Germany’s grand-coalition government to meet Macron halfway on his ambitious proposals to reform the EU and the eurozone.
Trump’s obsession with the trade deficit has led him to impose import
tariffs
on steel, aluminum, and a wide range of products from China.
His protectionist promise to put “America first” smacks of xenophobic nationalism, and his bullying use of
tariffs
is alienating friends and foes alike.
Meanwhile, US
tariffs
on imported steel and aluminum from Mexico and Canada remain in place.
Likewise, last July, he mooted the possibility that the United States might withdraw from the WTO if it constrained his ability to impose
tariffs.
The reason is apparent: she has judged that she cannot afford to lose the support of American trade unions such as the United Automobile Workers, whose members fear a reduction in
tariffs
on car and trucks.
Already, Trump has raised doubts about his commitment to the “one China” policy – including by accepting a congratulatory phone call from Taiwan’s president after the election – and threatened to impose high
tariffs
on China, which he has accused (wrongly) of devaluing its currency to gain an unfair trade advantage.
It would also levy punitive
tariffs
on greenhouse-gas-intensive products imported from countries that lack “comparable action” to that of the US, starting in 2020.
Despite China’s official hard line, some Chinese environmental officials privately express alarm at run-away carbon emissions, and suggest that foreign green
tariffs
would actually strengthen their hand in domestic policy struggles over controlling greenhouse gases by helping to win political support for emissions cuts.
US President Donald Trump’s administration continues to tout an “America First” policy approach, reflected, most recently, in the imposition of large
tariffs
on steel and aluminum imports.
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