Tariffs in sentence

1238 examples of Tariffs in a sentence

This is because the trade war’s next stage – when tariffs are increased from 10% to 25% and possibly extended to all Chinese imports – will prove more unpopular with US voters and do more damage to US economic prospects than the current phony war, which has consisted of more rhetoric than action.

Trump’s belief that US tariffs would act as a tax on Chinese exporters, while creating jobs in America, might have been valid at a time of recession and mass unemployment.

This means that the cost of tariffs will fall mainly on US consumers and importers, pushing up US inflation and interest rates, rather than hitting Chinese economic activity and jobs.

But so would a breakdown in Buenos Aires, followed by a brief extension of anti-China tariffs and then, a few months or weeks later, another Trump-Xi summit and another “victorious retreat.”

Free-trade agreements that promise the greatest benefits are those that link economies characterized by high tariffs, low levels of trade, and little overlap in consumption and production patterns.

Since taking office, he has been true to his word, withdrawing from one international agreement after another and imposing import tariffs on friends and adversaries alike.

China’s monetary policy has come to the fore now that US President Donald Trump has imposed import tariffs on a range of Chinese goods.

Some view it as the result of a slowdown in economic growth, coupled with market concerns about the introduction of US tariffs and dollar appreciation on the back of rising US interest rates.

But counteracting the negative impact on growth resulting from rising US interest rates and tariffs calls for more monetary accommodation.

His administration’s tariffs on steel imports surely will cost more jobs in steel-using industries than will be “saved” by locking up resources in an old industry.

Imposing import tariffs to shore up the old goods-producing industries ignores the dynamics of growth and does nothing to help sunrise sectors.

The Phony US-China TruceBEIJING – On December 1 in Buenos Aires, US President Donald Trump and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, agreed on a 90-day moratorium on increases in import tariffs to provide a window for negotiations.

It has quickly been accepted as foundational evidence in support of the tariffs and other punitive trade measures that President Donald Trump’s administration has initiated against China in recent months.

The Ministry of International Trade and Industry perfected the art of state-subsidized credit allocation and tariffs to protect Japan’s sunrise industries, an effort that was matched by Germany’s equally impressive Wirtschaftswunder, augmented by strong support for the Mittelstand of small and medium-size enterprises.

Trump’s declarations on topics ranging from tariffs to the construction of a border wall have already affected some investments in Mexico, and sent the peso plummeting.

It has unilaterally introduced steel and aluminum tariffs, relying on a justification (national security) that others could use, in the process placing the world at risk of a trade war.

A large number of countries have introduced taxes and tariffs that hamper the adoption and use of information and communications technology (ICT).

One study found that for every dollar equivalent of tariffs India imposed on imported ICT products it suffered an economic loss of $1.30 from lower productivity.

Taxing the Internet, like other taxes and tariffs on ICT goods and services, has the opposite effect.

Countries would be better off with policies that promote ICT: elimination of taxes and tariffs on ICT products and services, removal of non-tariff barriers like requiring local data storage, and encouragement of digital innovation and transformation in economic sectors through regulatory and procurement reform.

The European Union as a whole has done a good job of keeping ICT taxes and tariffs low, despite substantial fiscal difficulties in many countries.

The TPP would lower tariffs and allow consumers in Asia to buy more US products.

In the United States, Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has promised to impose trade tariffs on China, build a wall on the border with Mexico, and bar Muslims from entering the country.

Others aspiring to advance similarly inward-looking agendas – be they nationalistic European parties seeking to roll back international connectivity or US presidential candidates proposing tariffs that could well trigger retaliation from trading partners – should take note.

So the notion that all that is needed is to eliminate tariffs and bureaucratic red tape is pure fiction.

As was amply demonstrated in the last seven decades, reducing tariffs and non-tariff barriers would also help – above all in agriculture and services, as envisaged by the Doha Round.

While there is no purely technical obstacle to creating an alternative payments channel, doing so is certain to enrage Trump, who will presumably respond with another round of tariffs against the offending countries.

The 2010 book Better Living through Economics, edited by John Siegfried, emphasizes the real-world impact of such innovations: emissions trading, the earned-income tax credit, low trade tariffs, welfare-to-work programs, more effective monetary policy, auctions of spectrum licenses, transport-sector deregulation, deferred-acceptance algorithms, enlightened antitrust policy, an all-volunteer military, and clever use of default options to promote saving for retirement.

Before announcing import tariffs on more than 1,300 types of Chinese-made goods worth around $60 billion per year, in early March Trump unveiled sweeping tariffs of 25% on steel and 10% on aluminum, which he justified on the basis of national security.

Likewise, Trump is introducing his steel tariffs after the price of steel has already increased by about 130% from its trough, owing partly to China’s own efforts to reduce its excess capacity.

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