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Tariff in sentence

464 examples of Tariff in a sentence

For NAFTA to realize its full potential and move the convergence process, opening borders to trade and reducing tariff barriers are not enough.
In response to the collapse of demand in 1929, it erected high tariff walls.
For example, a generalized import tariff of 25% on steel products could yield almost $4 billion per year, even if imports were to fall by almost half (to $16 billion).
This is the approach successfully pursued by Korea, whose steel producers do not face a tariff, because they are reducing their exports by charging higher prices and can thus expect much higher profits.
When one partner (the US) offers to eliminate its tariff in exchange for export restraint, the game is over: this is an offer that is too good to refuse.
Beyond across-the-board tariff reductions, policymakers will also need to designate sensitive and excluded products in a way that promotes regional value chains, including in agro-processing, chemicals, and automobiles, as well as in the services/logistics inputs that constitute up to 60% of the value of final products.
He identified a source of revenue – the tariff – that could be devoted to this end, and he rendered the bargain politically palatable by making clear that if state governments accumulated additional debts, and again got into trouble, they would not be bailed out a second time.
Even when the reasons are bad, moreover, tariff increases do not always provoke foreign retaliation.
Foreign governments and domestic businesses objected to the initial across-the-board tariff, and so did the stock market, through its negative reaction.
This sequencing and reckless use of the tariff instrument encourage observers to dismiss even valid concerns as fake news.
It means spurring economic growth, and then imposing a 35% tariff on imports.
One hopes – perhaps against hope – that the 90-day truce on tariff increases lasts, so that an enduring trade agreement can be forged.
On July 6, however, an additional 25% tariff on $34 billion of Chinese exports went into effect, and China retaliated against an equivalent volume of US exports.
Wall Street has wobbled, but there has been nothing resembling its sharp negative reaction to the Smoot-Hawley Tariff of 1930.
But this ignores the fact that Trump’s tariff talk is wildly popular with his base.
Multiply 0.15 by 0.10 (the hypothesized tariff rate), and you get 1.5%.
The early nineteenth century was characterized by high tariff rates in both the US and Europe.
But, during the last few decades of the century, European tariff rates fell substantially, largely in response to the United Kingdom’s unilateral repeal of the Corn Laws, which had imposed substantial tariffs on imported grain.
One of the most notable hikes occurred in 1922, when the Republican-controlled government passed the Fordney-McCumber Tariff, which raised the average import tariff rate by 64%.
From 1925 to 1929, 33 tariff revisions were made in 26 European countries, and 17 were made in Latin America.
International conferences in Brussels in 1920, Portorose in 1921, and Genoa in 1922 – as well as the League of Nations’ World Economic Conference in Geneva in 1927 – endorsed a tariff truce, but to no avail.
In 1930, US President Herbert Hoover and a Republican Congress, enacted the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, sending the tariff war into high gear.
Though the Smoot-Hawley tariff increases were modest compared to those under Fordney-McCumber, their timing turned the act into a virtual synonym for bad trade policy.
Indeed, policymakers nowadays seem genuinely disinclined to resort to tariff increases.
In the Doha trade negotiations, industrialized nations accepted the need to liberalize their agricultural markets by reducing subsidies to domestic producers and tariff barriers on agricultural imports.
Despite loud protests from Canada and the UK, the US Department of Commerce now seems set to impose an extremely high import tariff of about 300%.
Until comparatively recently India was a predominantly poor, agricultural-based economy that chose to shut itself off from the world behind high tariff walls, trusting, often quite effectively, in its own ingenuity.
Breaking with modern Republican tradition, Trump envisages a 35% tariff on imported cars and parts produced by Ford plants in Mexico and a 45% tariff on imports from China.
The consequences would resemble those of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff, enacted by the US Congress in 1930 and signed by an earlier, disgraced Republican president, Herbert Hoover – a measure that exacerbated the Great Depression.
That conclusion applies to the macroeconomic effects of tariff protection in general, and to the Smoot-Hawley Tariff in particular.
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