Tariff
in sentence
464 examples of Tariff in a sentence
Democratic presidents remained committed to trade liberalization, reflected in the 1962 Trade Expansion Act and the 1967 Kennedy Round of multilateral
tariff
reductions, though, to be sure, since the 1970s, there have been more protectionists on the Democratic side than on the Republican side.
Some estimates suggest that the proposed
tariff
liberalization in the dairy and poultry sectors could threaten the livelihoods of 14 million very poor households in India, half of them landless.
While average
tariff
rates in the original five member states (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand) have been virtually zero since 2010, some barriers must still be dismantled.
For starters, while the TPP would most likely generate some overall gain for the US economy, measured in terms of GDP and people’s incomes, that gain is very small and comes mostly from providing greater opportunities for US exports – by reducing
tariff
and non-tariff barriers in other countries.
While Abe will recover his political footing on the
tariff
issue, he will be far more cautious moving forward.
Protectionist trade measures, perhaps in the form of a stiff US
tariff
on Chinese imports, would be profoundly self-destructive, even absent the inevitable retaliatory measures.
Given the complexity of assessing how domestic regulations might impede trade, especially compared to judging whether a
tariff
has been correctly applied, the WTO needed effective dispute-settlement mechanisms, with members agreeing to binding arbitration.
To be sure, Trump is unlikely to start an outright trade war, because any US
tariff
would harm the interests of the country’s largest companies, which have invested huge sums in production facilities abroad.
In his 1931 Macmillan Report to the British Parliament, Keynes proposed that an import
tariff
be paired with an export subsidy, which would mimic the effects of exchange-rate devaluation, while maintaining the gold-pound parity.
On their own,
tariff
and trade barriers, if viewed as transitory negotiating tactics, will not significantly change global investment patterns or the structure of global supply chains and employment.
To this end, the scope of the World Trade Organization should be extended through the negotiation of future global arrangements that reduce subsidies and both
tariff
and non-tariff barriers.
In the real world, opening up is not a simple matter of revising
tariff
codes and removing barriers to foreign investment.
There has been real progress toward reducing
tariff
barriers; the World Trade Organization has also established a dispute-resolution mechanism for its 159 members.
It developed through the indigenous efforts of Americans acting in their own way--assisted by extensive state intervention, through land grants to farmers, railroads, and mining companies, military spending that stimulated the economy (and still does), and, of course,
tariff
barriers.
More recently, there was Trump’s suspension of
tariff
threats against the European Union after his love-in with European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, the offer of a US-Iran summit “with no preconditions,” and then signals that escalation of
tariff
threats against China is actually a device to reopen negotiations.
Such complexities make it impossible to compare the impact of CO2 policies among countries, which in turn would invite those who want to protect domestic jobs to argue for higher
tariff
levels.
That translates into derogations from general rules and longer periods to introduce less ambitious
tariff
reductions.
To stave off the
tariff
hike, Mexico agreed in 2014 to limit its sugar exports and prop up US sugar prices.
In the aftermath of the Great Depression, for example, there was a widespread consensus in the United States that excessive congressional interference was responsible for the disastrous hike in import barriers under the Smoot-Hawley
Tariff.
Global agreements to cap
tariff
rates or reduce toxic emissions are indeed valuable.
Trump has openly mused about imposing a 45%
tariff
on Chinese imports.
Transparent bidding and contract terms, clarity about
tariff
structures and payment mechanisms, unambiguous customs regimes, and confidence about property rights are essential ingredients, as is a judiciary that is incorruptible, effective, and efficient.
The rules are currently so onerous that some US importers reportedly choose simply to dispense with the benefits of NAFTA – and the accompanying paperwork – and instead to pay the low normal
tariff
imposed on non-NAFTA products.
But a likely result is that more importing firms would dispense with NAFTA’s benefits and simply default to the normal US
tariff
rate, which averages just 3.5%.
This would further undermine confidence in financial markets, which are already unhappy with Trump’s trade war, responding to every
tariff
announcement with a selloff.
But by launching a
tariff
war that also affects the European Union and Canada, Trump is making China look like a more attractive partner than the US.
To be sure, Trump and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker have now reached a preliminary agreement to de-escalate the US-EU
tariff
fight.
To justify his self-defeating policies, he cherry picks isolated cases such as Canada’s high tariffs on dairy products, presenting them without any context, while overlooking the fact that America’s weighted average
tariff
rate is actually higher than that of the EU, Japan, and Canada.
A
tariff
on steel may be answered by a tax on Amazon or Google.
China would first call for broadly cooperative, non-confrontational international dialogue and request
tariff
reductions – outgoing President Donald Trump’s administration imposed a 30%
tariff
on Chinese solar panels – and clean-technology transfers, to help it meet its climate commitments.
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