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Surplus in sentence

1438 examples of Surplus in a sentence

Once the eurozone has reached the so-called “Lewis turning point” – when surplus labor is depleted and wages start to rise – growth rates will fall to a level that better reflects demographic dynamics.
From a surplus of 1.4% of GDP in 2000, the Bush administration has delivered a deficit of 4.6% of GDP this year.
The US is draining a whopping 75% of the world’s surplus savings.
The US Treasury Department started the chorus with a report on currency manipulators that criticized Germany’s current-account surplus.
The European Commission added its voice last month, when it published its scorecard on macroeconomic imbalances and called for an in-depth analysis of the German surplus.
This focus on Germany also overlooks the fact that the country represents just the tip of a Teutonic iceberg: All northern European countries with a Germanic language are running a current-account surplus.
These small countries’ combined annual external surplus is more than $250 billion, slightly more than that of Germany alone.
Over the last decade, this group of small countries has recorded a cumulative surplus larger than even that of China.
Much of the facile policy advice provided to correct the German surplus seems misguided when one examines the persistent surpluses of this diverse group of countries.
It is not surprising that national policymakers (and media) in major Anglophone countries are complaining about the German surplus.
The peripheral eurozone countries account for only about 10% of German imports, compared to almost 40% for the other surplus countries in northern Europe.
Stronger domestic demand in Germany would thus benefit these other surplus countries (with low unemployment) four times more than the peripheral countries (with much higher unemployment).
Other countries with a structural surplus, including Russia, China, and Japan, would also benefit more from stronger German demand than Spain or Greece would.
The discussion of the German surplus thus confuses the issues in two ways.
First, though the German economy and its surplus loom large in the context of Europe, an adjustment by Germany alone would benefit the eurozone periphery rather little.
Second, in the global context, adjustment by Germany alone would benefit many countries only a little, while other surplus countries would benefit disproportionally.
When saving exceeds investment, the result is a current-account surplus, and the economy becomes a lender to the rest of the world.
Japan was singled out as a particular culprit of the soaring global imbalances, because its current-account surplus topped 4% of its GDP in 1986, while the Bank of Japan amassed record levels of US Treasury securities.
In 1987-1988, South Korea’s current-account surplus climbed above 6% of GDP, with currency manipulation often cited for the rise in external saving.
But China’s current-account surplus has been shrinking faster than the International Monetary Fund and many forecasters had anticipated.
After climbing to almost 10% of GDP during 2006-2008, the external surplus currently is oscillating in the 1-2% range.
As China’s current-account surplus shrinks, Germany’s is climbing to record levels (see chart).
While Germany is singled out on account of its size, it is by no means unique among the advanced economies in maintaining a sizable external surplus.
Pointing the finger at surplus countries is getting old.
In the discussion at Jackson Hole, someone asked whether international pressure could be exerted on the surplus countries to spend more and save less.
So German banks with surplus cash would rather deposit it at the ECB than put it to work in Italy or Greece.
Free market capitalism has proved itself to be the best system for driving income growth and creating a large economic surplus.
That remains true today: managing temporary stakes in banks in need of recapitalization, on behalf of large providers of capital (such as the Asian surplus countries), would put a neutral, depoliticized buffer between states and private-sector institutions.
The CAP authorized tax money to be spent on growing surplus food, which was then warehoused (at further cost) and ultimately destroyed (at still further cost).
To repudiate society’s property rights over the returns to capital that we, as users, have created, Big Tech’s defenders invoke users’ large consumer surplus (the sum we would be prepared to pay for access to free services such as Gmail and Google Maps).
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