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Strategic in sentence

2937 examples of Strategic in a sentence

His capacity to link the tactical task of assisting visiting US businessmen to the strategic goal of managing the coming post-Tito Yugoslavia was extraordinary.
It may not yet be ready to embark on a full-fledged policy of “containment,” but in the wake of the dismemberment of Georgia – and with Russia claiming a zone of “privileged influence” throughout the former Soviet world – China clearly views Russia as an emerging strategic threat.
More importantly, China views the break-up of the USSR as one of the greatest strategic gifts in its history.
Nor do the Chinese have much interest in assuming de facto control of Asiatic Russia, despite shrieks from Russian strategic pundits that this is China’s real goal.
If we are to avoid paying a high economic, strategic, and environmental price for its shortcomings, a better system of developing and enforcing internationally agreed energy rules is essential.
Already, Kurds have criticized the Trump administration for sacrificing them at the altar of America’s strategic relations with Turkey.
China, Iran, Russia, and North Korea – countries that have long supported Venezuela economically and militarily – would likely make deeper inroads in the region, posing a permanent source of strategic tension that could even open the door to terrorism and nuclear proliferation.
The United States managed to get it right, albeit very slowly, whereas many European countries erred on the side of the status quo for a much longer time, if not systematically, as they refused to see that the region could be evolving in a direction contrary to what they deemed to be in their strategic interest.
Moreover, Europe must build up tools for strategic analysis, assessment, and forecasting to provoke and nourish public debate.
The strategic test will be for regional organizations – such as APEC – to ensure that the spirit of cooperation always outweighs the member states’ competitive impulses.
Despite more than two decades of on-again, off-again negotiations, North Korea’s nuclear weapons program is pushing the world toward a strategic watershed much like the one that the West faced 60 years ago, when the United States and the Soviet Union faced off against each other in Europe.
In his election campaign, and since coming to power, Abe has advocated a radical revitalization of the Japanese economy that would end two decades of deflation and growing political and strategic uncertainty.
A stable and secular Afghanistan is therefore a vital strategic necessity for India.
But this does not mean that a Taliban victory or an Afghan crisis that spirals out of control is no threat to the Kremlin’s standing in Central Asia, a region it considers its strategic backyard.
A settlement over Kashmir is the key to stability in Afghanistan, which would then no longer be a strategic playground for India and Pakistan.
Fourth, governments are not always willing to put global considerations (in this case, opposition to nuclear proliferation) ahead of what they see as their immediate strategic interests.
But a strategic alliance with the EU in foreign and security policies remains unrealistic and inefficient.
At first, the war in Afghanistan was a war of liberation against the Red Army; then it turned into a civil war, and from the mid-1990’s it was subsumed in the Indian-Pakistani conflict, as Pakistan sought to achieve strategic depth and regional influence via the Taliban, a creation of the Pakistani secret service, the ISI.
The United States and Russia should commit to begin discussions on removing a significant percentage of strategic nuclear forces from prompt-launch status at a later date.
This, together with the declaration proposed above, would set a strategic direction for reducing the nuclear threat.
Down the path less traveled lies greater coordination on both strategic objectives and development of military capacity, particularly within Europe, where governments must better allocate resources among themselves in order to overcome the key deficiencies revealed by the Libya mission.
China has also launched diplomatic initiatives beyond its immediate sphere of strategic interest in East Asia, as well as actively participating in initiatives such as the 2015 Iran nuclear deal.
While China has not responded to these overtures with the degree of enthusiasm that accompanied them, the Chinese would be happy to fill the strategic vacuum likely to be created by America’s accelerated departure from AfPak.
In response, they believe that Iran must be aggressive in defending its interests, forming strategic alliances with Russia and other regional powers, and using Iran's influence in Iraq to prevent a pro-American, anti-Iran government from emerging in Baghdad.
A timely reminder by EU leaders of the strategic importance of the aerospace sector would have helped allay many of the misgivings in Berlin, and to a lesser degree in London, that ultimately sank the deal.
With clearly defined positions, each country could pursue a policy of strategic restraint, avoiding the swaggering displays of force that have sometimes tempted them in the past.
With a new diplomatic framework for bilateral relations, the US and China could ward off strategic confrontations.
Indeed, amid the vast uncertainty created by Trump’s victory, a new relationship now makes more strategic sense than ever, given changing global circumstances, regional geopolitics, and domestic challenges in both the US and China.
Yet that policy has never been guided by strategic thinking, leaving the EU with only limited global influence, despite its tremendous success in world markets.
But the West has neither the moral right nor a strategic possibility of withdrawing into an “ivory tower,” something which in most cases does not exist.
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