Strategic
in sentence
2937 examples of Strategic in a sentence
Unless the Iranian regime is terminally humbled in the course of its showdown with the West over its nuclear program, the more plausible scenario is that Shia-dominated Iraq moves closer to Iran’s
strategic
orbit rather than become part of America's regional designs.
Israel rebuffed US President Barack Obama’s peace initiatives, and even refused to extend a freeze on settlement construction for a mere three months, despite a lavish offer of
strategic
compensation.
America, in short, faces a time of reckoning that should usher in a period of comprehensive
strategic
rebalancing.
That would be a grave
strategic
error, based on a fundamental misreading of Asian security dynamics.
America’s
strategic
“pivot” to Asia thus needs to be substantial and lasting.
Indeed, the Arab Spring strengthens rather than weakens Turkey’s position in the Arab world, and vindicates the new
strategic
thrust of Turkish foreign policy.
With the exception of a few guerrilla groups, organized crime is the only
strategic
actor in the region that has the capacity to dispute the state’s claim to a monopoly on the legitimate use of force.
As tempting as it may be to ramp up IMF lending on a long-term basis, this would be a
strategic
mistake for both the world and the Fund.
Russia’s
strategic
currency reserves are being pulled apart by Putin’s friends and may be exhausted by the end of the year.
Yemen’s location, along the critical shipping lanes in the Gulf of Aden, makes the country a
strategic
priority for everybody, but especially for the Saudis.
It is a time when the US needs to work closely with the Saudis, be careful what it asks of them, and be sure that its policy toward them does not overload the region’s
strategic
circuits.
A program of
strategic
priorities is in order.
Indeed, it would most likely prove to be a
strategic
boon to the “resistance axis” – Iran and Hezbollah.
Turkey’s Lonely Neighborhood WatchISTANBUL – For nearly a decade, Turkey benefited from a
strategic
environment that allowed it to raise its profile, widen its zone of autonomous action, and aspire to regional power in the Middle East.
Indeed, both Syria and Lebanon were sites of
strategic
competition between Iran and Turkey.
And it sustains widespread support in East Asia for the US to act as a
strategic
counterweight in the region.
But if the US and China were to engage in direct
strategic
conflict – an increasingly likely prospect – it is the US that would gain the most support, especially from allies like Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam.
When it comes to building friendships that can withstand
strategic
conflict with the US, those gains will not be nearly enough.
Asia has far too many important items on its
strategic
agenda to remain caught in a policy trap.
But Nato, while it remains important for practical military cooperation among its members and as
strategic
reassurance against any major outside threat, inevitably is becoming less central to American as well as European concerns since such major threats are simply not on the horizon.
Indeed, Ukraine’s interests form a comfortingly familiar triangle of economic, political, and
strategic
priorities: free trade and open markets across the globe; prosperous and democratic neighbors; and not being on the front-line of a conflict, still less a potential battleground, between Russia and the West.
In the face of so much uncertainty, British voters would ultimately have to make their decision on the basis of pragmatic, not strategic, considerations.
Without a solid
strategic
vision, British citizens could end up ignoring analytical pragmatism, and instead decide how to vote in the referendum in response to a sudden event.
Behind the unpleasantness may lie a broader
strategic
calculation.
Moreover, India has attempted to establish
strategic
ties with countries that China sees as falling within its own sphere of influence (from Mongolia to Vietnam, including direct competition over Myanmar).
Needling an eager-to-please India on its troubled northern borders helps China to keep India guessing about its intentions, exposes the giant democracy’s vulnerabilities in an election year, and cuts a potential
strategic
rival down to size.
Given their
strategic
location, Sinai jihadis could easily be used by larger terrorist networks to target strategically vital locations, such as the Suez Canal.
But Somaliland’s
strategic
position near the world’s major oil-transport routes, now plagued by piracy, and chaos in the country’s south, mean that independence should no longer be dismissed out of hand.
There, both the resilience of the local political culture and
strategic
imperatives are converging to define the limits of the West’s capacity to impose its values.
For as it does, China is using its colossal financial firepower to expand its
strategic
position on the continent, without linking aid and investment to pesky demands for good governance.
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