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States in sentence

7075 examples of States in a sentence

Some states suggested new norms to address data integrity and maintenance of the Internet’s core structures.
The US and like-minded states pressed for further clarification of the earlier agreement that international laws of armed conflict, including the right of self-defense, apply in cyber space, but China, Russia, and their allies were reluctant to agree.
Moreover, whereas some states hope to revive the GGE process or enlarge it into a broader UN process, others are skeptical, and believe that future progress will be limited to discussions among like-minded states, rather than leading to universal agreements.
In some cases, the development of norms among like-minded states can attract adherence by others at a later point.
When the heads of the EU’s member states met in Brussels to deal with the Greek crisis, the interbank market, which is decisive for the liquidity of financial institutions, had started to freeze, just like after the collapse of Lehmann Brothers in September 2008.
Only after joining forces in providing a €750 billion bailout package, did the eurozone’s member states and the IMF prevent another systemic crash.
Developments in Greece or Hungary make it easy to imagine failed European states if the EU unravels.
But the same analytical approach can be used – and extended to cities, states, and regions.
The idea of a nation-state’s sovereignty is rooted in the seventeenth-century Treaty of Westphalia, which embraced non-interference by external agents in states’ domestic affairs as the guiding principle of international relations.
But, taken to its logical extreme, national sovereignty would require the complete physical and social isolation of states from one another.
Participating in the collective life of the international community of states implies bearing others in mind and, when necessary, giving up certain prerogatives of sovereignty.
States cooperate because it is advantageous for them to do so, but at the same time they lose control over certain internal matters.
Their emergence holds important implications for global governance at a time when the imbalance between existing problems/threats and the means available to states to guarantee their citizens’ safety increases.
On a global scale, this complex and interdependent world needs an organization of states and structures of governance oriented towards responsible dialogue, the aim being to mitigate abuses of power and defend global public assets.
Without such structures, the world risks a competitive and disorderly race to the bottom among states – as often occurs with taxation – together with a protectionist backlash.
Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis famously described the states as “laboratories”: they should be allowed to experiment and learn from each other which policies work.
The enlargement of the EU to include 27 states (with more to come) means that European institutions are likely to remain sui generis, and unlikely to produce a strong federal Europe or a single state.
The American political scientist Andrew Moravcsik makes the similar argument that European nations, singly and collectively, are the only states other than the US that are able to “exert global influence across the full spectrum from ‘hard’ to ‘soft’ power.
Tens of thousands of troops from the EU’s member states have been deployed outside of their home countries in Sierra Leone, Congo, Ivory Coast, Chad, Lebanon, and Afghanistan.
But if Italy and Spain are no longer at risk of default, or of abandoning the euro, Germany and other eurozone leaders will have room to decide whether to continue funding these very small states or politely invite them to leave the euro and return to national currencies.
The tiny island states of the Pacific, for example, have been unable to erect adequate defenses against the “king tides” that are encroaching on their land and causing the freshwater “lenses” beneath their atolls to become brackish.
Fifty are investor-owned companies, including ChevronTexaco, ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, and Peabody Energy; 31 are state-owned companies, such as Saudi Aramco and Norway’s Statoil; and nine are states like Saudi Arabia and China.
But Putin may also have anticipated the public outrage over the attack on the Skripals and calculated that EU member states with pro-Russian governments – namely, Hungary, Greece, and, soon, Italy – would veto any strong EU response.
In the new order, strong states will throw their weight around with little care for the rules-based system that the EU has long epitomized.
Given the mismatch of member states’ policy (topple Qaddafi) and a strategy to “protect civilians” based on a contested United Nations Security Council resolution, NATO can certainly take pride in managing a great challenge and strengthening its role as the preeminent Euro-Atlantic institution.
This made investment, which is always a bet on the future, dependent on fluctuating states of confidence.
While Chancellor Angela Merkel has continued to press for cooperative migration and refugee policies within the European Union, a growing chorus of voices in Germany is advocating unilateral action that would most likely come at the expense of other EU member states.
Inevitably, the situation would degenerate into a volatile mess, with EU member states pitted against one another, and populists commanding center stage.
Nationalist forces within individual EU member states have used migration in Europe for their own partisan purposes.
Those who disdain environmental concerns have been ousted at the polls in large numbers, companies invest huge amounts in environmental technologies, states are suing car producers for their climate-adverse policies, and the requirements of the Kyoto Protocol have long been surpassed by some states – a lesson for German and European cities and municipalities.
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