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Soviet in sentence

1440 examples of Soviet in a sentence

Yet, after the communist revolution in China and the Soviet Union’s failure to ratify the Bretton Woods Agreement, the IMF and the World Bank went in a different direction.
China's search for an alternative social and economic arrangement became urgent with the student revolt of 1989, the subsequent Tienanmien massacre, and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc.
After the Soviet collapse, the West, writes Lukin, had two options: make a serious attempt to integrate Russia into the Western world by bringing it into NATO and offering a new Marshall Plan, or cut piece after piece from what he calls this “center of the inimical world.”
President John F. Kennedy’s first meeting with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev stands out in American political lore: the young American President somehow comes across as underwhelming to his Soviet counterpart, who then tries to get away with deploying long-range nuclear missiles in Cuba, a move that brought the US and USSR as close to war as they ever came.
Today, it is more important than ever that the EU, which now includes not only former Soviet satellites but countries that were part of the USSR, should create a strategic policy framework.
The corruption networks surrounding the old Soviet pipeline system carrying gas from Siberia to Western Europe have obviously impeded Ukraine’s political development.
In the 1950s, Soviet influences (characterized by heretical clinical theories whereby particular forms of political and religious dissent were attributed to specific varieties of “dangerous” mental illness) dominated.
Even before the Soviet Union’s demise, resulting in 15 new countries, its European “empire” had collapsed.
Coming from Stalin’s lips, the phrase, backed by the full and fearsome force of the Soviet state’s internal security apparatus, was a death sentence for millions.
The Turkey of Erdogan’s dominant Justice and Development Party (AKP) appears to be seeking a new mission civilisatrice , with the Middle East and the former Soviet republics as its alternative horizons.
At the same time, the process as a whole further legitimizes elections in the eyes of people accustomed by Soviet rule to dismissing all votes as charades.
To be sure, Putin is nowhere near securing a return to the Soviet Union’s imperial days in the Middle East – not least because Russia’s capacity to sustain a military operation beyond its borders remains severely limited.
Nearly two decades after the demise of the Soviet empire, what stands out is a prevailing sense of lost opportunities.
The happiest former Soviet countries are Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, all of which minimized their contacts with Russia in 1992 and joined both the EU and NATO in 2004.
Despite all that has happened, I continue to hope that Russia is not slouching back into its Soviet past.
Of course, Pakistan alone is responsible for the path it chooses, but it would not have so readily adopted its current course but for the tacit (and explicit) support that the US has given it, beginning in the 1980’s to counter the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.
Such self-restraint helped to set the stage for the successful Malta Summit with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev a month later.
The Cold War ended quietly, and the dismantlement of the Soviet empire followed.
Some critics have faulted him for not supporting the national aspirations of Soviet republics like Ukraine in 1991 (when he delivered his infamous “Chicken Kiev” speech warning against “suicidal nationalism”); for failing to go to Baghdad to unseat Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War; or for sending Brent Scowcroft to Beijing to maintain relations with China after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989.
But, given the profound uncertainty of a world in flux, as well as the dangers of miscalculation as the Soviet empire collapsed, prudent management trumped grand visions.
Indeed, the splits today resemble those that occurred when Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989, an exit that led to civil war and the Taliban’s eventual capture of the capital, Kabul.
On the ideological map of the world, it was Soviet territory, a land of famine, dictatorship, and civil war.
These values hold great attraction for the people in the former Soviet Union—and that includes the leaders as well as the masses, in spite of the fact that the West did not back up its values and principles with deeds in the past.
Historically, Russia always aspired to be part of Europe, and the Putin regime recognizes that it would pay a big price if it sought to return to the Soviet Union’s isolation.
Strengthening and supporting the former Soviet republics would serve both prongs of a unified EU policy towards Russia.
From the publication of The Communist Manifesto in 1848 until the fall of the Soviet empire, significant parts of the continent’s electorates were inspired and mobilized by a vision of socialism.
After all, the American demagogue Joe McCarthy imploded when he failed to prove his charge that there were hundreds of Soviet spies infesting the US State Department.
On several occasions, Putin has referred to Eurasianism as an important part of Russian ideology; he has even invoked it as a founding principle of the “Eurasian Economic Union,” a burgeoning trade area of former Soviet states.
According to Dugin, “Stalin created the Soviet Empire,” and, like Ivan the Terrible, expresses “the spirit of the Soviet society and the Soviet people.”
Twenty-five years ago, this month, Hungarian Prime Minister Miklos Nemeth traveled to Moscow to seek Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev’s blessing for a radical experiment.
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