Sovereignty
in sentence
1408 examples of Sovereignty in a sentence
By contrast, the mass killing in Rwanda a decade ago and now in Darfur, Sudan, demonstrate the high price of judging
sovereignty
to be supreme and thus doing little to prevent the slaughter of innocents.
Our notion of
sovereignty
must therefore be conditional, even contractual, rather than absolute.
If a state fails to live up to its side of the bargain by sponsoring terrorism, either transferring or using weapons of mass destruction, or conducting genocide, then it forfeits the normal benefits of
sovereignty
and opens itself up to attack, removal, or occupation.
The goal should be to redefine
sovereignty
for the era of globalization, to find a balance between a world of fully sovereign states and an international system of either world government or anarchy.
The basic idea of sovereignty, which still provides a useful constraint on violence between states, needs to be preserved.
Indeed, as part of their claimed desire to protect the nation’s sovereignty, governments in developing and emerging countries now regard cash transfers from rich countries for, say, democratization processes, with far more suspicion than they did in the 1990s.
Moreover, they have implemented repressive media laws that amount to state control of the Internet, which they claim is necessary to preserve stability, fight terrorism, or defend national
sovereignty
from Western interference.
But such breakthroughs require at least four ingredients: a correct shared understanding of the problem, agreement on an effective way forward, willingness to pool more sovereignty, and political leaders able to drive change forward.
Ten years on, France should not be afraid of exchanging some of its
sovereignty
for political union in Europe.
But, for the Chinese authorities, this movement reflects an unacceptable challenge to China’s
sovereignty.
It is therefore an alliance designed to protect not only national
sovereignty
or geopolitical interests, but to protect certain kinds of human culture and civilization.
By deterring threats to national sovereignty, military power supports peace; and, in Brazil’s case, it underpins our country’s constructive role in the pursuit of global stability.
This, I believe, is why America is so opposed to a quick transfer of
sovereignty
to Iraqis.
Relations with Israel are managed by the defense minister, now Lieutenant General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, and the military security establishment, whose leaders are determined to maintain a peaceful relationship with Israel and to secure Egyptian
sovereignty
in the Sinai.
In a recent speech to the Conservative Political Action Conference, Stephen Bannon, Trump’s chief strategist, declared a revolution for American sovereignty, defined by economic nationalism and the “deconstruction of the administrative state.”
The EU has driven a revolution in how countries live together – advancing individual rights, international law, and the pooling of
sovereignty.
That sort of volte-face would be impossible for most of the Brexit camp, for whom the dream of
sovereignty
trumps the threat of economic collapse.
By joining the euro, Italy surrendered monetary
sovereignty
to an external, independent decision-maker, the European Central Bank.
This does not mean that they should resist surrendering
sovereignty
to supranational agencies at all costs.
They should promote such a delegation of
sovereignty
only when it truly enhances the long-term performance of their democracies, not when it merely advances the interests of globalist elites.
But if a significant group of large and prosperous west European countries, including Britain, Sweden, Italy and Spain remain outside this new federation, there will be less pressure on eastern Europe to accept the costly conditions and restrictions on national
sovereignty
which joining the Franco-German federation entail.
But the Vietnamese or Chinese roads are unacceptable in Latin America, which has made huge progress in transforming advances in democracy and respect for human rights into a regional legal order that goes beyond national
sovereignty
or the sacrosanct principle of non-intervention.
Sovereignty
is no longer as absolute as it once seemed.
The reality is that the British public debate on
sovereignty
will not end when the votes are counted.
Many countries have political movements and parties – some stronger than others – that are seeking to “recover” elements of sovereignty, to the detriment of common action.
We are left with the certainty, however awkward, that active participation in an open world economy requires some surrender of economic
sovereignty.
The members of European Monetary Union are surrendering monetary sovereignty, voluntarily to be sure, but they are surrendering it all the same.
Unfortunately, given the respect accorded to national sovereignty, the scope for international action to improve respect for basic human rights in the many countries where they are violated is limited.
Endorsing a two-state solution meant recognizing Israeli
sovereignty
over 78% of our homeland and exercising our right to self-determination on only the remaining 22% that Israel has occupied militarily since 1967: the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.
Fourth, the US should renew its respect for international law by recognizing three principles: that the 1967 pre-occupation boundaries must be respected in any negotiations; that Palestinian
sovereignty
over East Jerusalem must be safeguarded, with guaranteed access for Muslims, Christians, and Jews to their holy sites; and that the plight of Palestinian refugees, whose 60-year ordeal remains emblematic of the Palestinian predicament, must be acknowledged and fairly addressed.
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