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Sovereign in sentence

1399 examples of Sovereign in a sentence

Or would it set and revise sovereign interest rates according to its current evaluation of each country’s fiscal efforts?
Finally, Germany might not continue to accept the default risks implied by large ECB purchases of high-risk sovereign bonds.
For all of these reasons, the ECB’s direct purchase of high-yield sovereign bonds to limit their interest rates would be a mistake.
This debut Sub-Saharan issue, which was four times oversubscribed, sparked a sovereign borrowing spree in the region.
It is no secret that sovereign bonds carry significantly higher borrowing costs than concessional debt does.
Should oil and copper prices collapse, Angola, Gabon, Congo, and Zambia may encounter difficulties in servicing their sovereign bonds.
Not all restrictions on the exercise of sovereign power are undemocratic.
Political scientists talk about “democratic delegation” – the idea that a sovereign might want to tie its hands (through international commitments or delegation to autonomous agencies) in order to achieve better outcomes.
A similar compromise could also be reached for the eurozone’s financial framework, and in particular the treatment of sovereign risk on banks’ balance sheets.
This would move the EU away from the current situation, in which all sovereign bonds denominated in euros are treated equally, regardless of the issuer’s debt position.
This is particularly true for proposals involving a larger role for the ESM and joint guarantees for sovereign bond holdings.
It is well known that Weidmann does not like it when central banks, especially the European Central Bank, buy sovereign bonds.
And the evidence confirms that the euro crisis is not really about sovereign debt, but about foreign debt.
The case of Belgium is particularly instructive, because the risk premium on Belgian sovereign debt has remained modest throughout most of the euro crisis, although the country’s debt/GDP ratio is above the eurozone average, at around 100%, and it went without a government for more than a year.
Yet a new recession would cause financial markets to become even more deeply divided along national lines, while strengthening the correlation between sovereign and bank risk.
Was this just a peculiarity of the eurozone, in which sovereign countries did not control their own currencies?
These positions imply a desire to exercise sovereign power over the Economic and Monetary Union’s rules and decisions.
Ditching the euro might trigger a banking crisis, capital flight, inflation, and perhaps even sovereign default.
Where autonomy is not enough, it may be possible to arrange an amicable divorce, as when Czechoslovakia peacefully divided into two sovereign countries.
This is a great tragedy, not just for obvious humanitarian reasons, but also because R2P introduced an important principle: that sovereignty entails obligations as well as rights, and that when these obligations go unmet, governments forfeit some of their sovereign rights.
This heightened uncertainty could spill over to economic activity in the rest of the European Union through adverse feedback loops between sovereign risk and the banking system.
Wouldn’t a loose association of sovereign nation-states, sharing the hard economic core of a continental common market – the British model – be enough?
In 2009, when US First Lady Michelle Obama briefly placed her hand on the queen’s back during a reception, the British media snorted that one must never touch the sovereign unless she extends her hand.
In their view, Britain’s sovereign received the treatment a second-rate power merits.
Libya’s Shadow on Sovereign Wealth FundsNEW YORK – As Libya’s citizens rebuild their lives and economy, undoing the corruption in the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), the sovereign wealth fund in which Muammar el-Qaddafi’s regime allegedly stashed and misused Libya’s oil wealth, is becoming a priority.
Regardless of how the Libyan government eventually handles the LIA, all sovereign wealth funds – and their advisers and fundraisers – can learn several important lessons.
Second, the Libyan crisis has crystallized the problem of corporate shares owned by sovereign governments.
The current efforts to restructure Libya’s Central Bank and LIA will affect markets’ perceptions of other sovereign players in the region.
Although recent reports of the International Working Group of sovereign funds have indicated the difficulties in applying uniform governance standards, several measures are needed in order to bring Libya back to global capital markets.
In an effort to regain access to capital markets, her economic team patched up things with the Paris Club of sovereign creditors and Spain’s Repsol (the former owner of nationalized oil giant YPF); but the fight with the vultures has set the country back.
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