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Sovereign in sentence

1399 examples of Sovereign in a sentence

Giacomo Corneo of the Free University of Berlin has proposed that, in addition to taxing underused real estate, China should create a sovereign wealth fund to improve the management of public assets.
Thus, the EMF would provide a framework for sovereign bankruptcy comparable to the procedures that exist in the US for bankrupt companies that qualify for restructuring.
To be sure, it is the sovereign right of the British people and their government to leave the EU.
How sovereign is a country once the hedge funds and bond traders mark it down?
Such a letter could spell out the US commitment to a viable, contiguous, sovereign, and independent Palestinian state based on the 1967 lines, with compensation provided by Israel wherever territorial adjustments are agreed.
The collapse of the Soviet Union created a new reality – sovereign, independent countries with their own rights and interests.
But this is precisely what our proposal to split eurozone sovereign debt into senior and junior tranches aims to achieve.
First, smaller countries with relatively illiquid sovereign bonds stand to benefit substantially from the extra liquidity provided by the Blue Bond.
But, provided that the Blue Bond’s institutional safeguards are sufficiently robust, the countries that stand to gain the most from the scheme’s promise of strengthened fiscal discipline are those that worry most about having to foot the bill for sovereign bailouts – now and in the future.
As I pointed out, with the United States and global economy sliding into a severe recession, bank losses would extend well beyond sub-prime mortgages to include sub-prime, near-prime, and prime mortgages; commercial real estate; credit cards, auto loans, and student loans; industrial and commercial loans; corporate bonds; sovereign bonds and state and local government bonds; and losses on all of the assets that securitized such loans.
Unfortunately, in a world without common institutions to restrain sovereign states from escalating conflicts with one another, the risks of all-out war will increase substantially.
The ECB’s announcement of a new program to purchase sovereign bonds has lowered market interest rates.
Moreover, there is a danger of debt and unpaid loans from projects that turn out to be economic “white elephants,” and security conflicts could bedevil projects that cross so many sovereign borders.
While wealthy Germany does not want to extend a helping hand to southern EU countries, newly sovereign post-communist countries are rejecting refugees and refusing to show solidarity with Western Europe.
The West does not have an interest in helping either Tibet or Taiwan become sovereign countries, and efforts by some Tibetans and Taiwanese in this direction present the danger of a miscalculation that could create lasting enmity.
The term "international relations" assumes the Westphalian order of commitments among sovereign nation states, which replaced the medieval order of communities defined by personal fealty to a king.
In this context, while it is obviously critical that African countries protect their citizens’ individual rights, external views of what constitutes such a right should not trump legitimate sovereign authority.
Perhaps if sovereign rights had been better respected, with outside powers supporting consensus-building processes instead of coups d’état, political breakthroughs could have been achieved, opening the way for economy-boosting initiatives against relatively stable backgrounds.
The point is rather to emphasize the potential benefits of a more stability-oriented approach, in which the drive to secure political rights is reconciled with the principles of respect for national and sovereign rights reflected in the Beijing model.
With an approach that merges Chinese and Western models – balancing human rights with national interests, individual rights with sovereign authority, and political rights with economic goals – African countries could enhance their development prospects considerably.
These include tax policy, the inefficient or improper use of public funds, impediments to structural change in product and factor markets, and mismatches between the reach of global financial institutions and the capacity of sovereign balance sheets to intervene in case of financial distress.
For example, Norway, which has been promoting positive gender discrimination for years and recently elected Erna Solberg as its first female prime minister, has yet to allow a woman to control the purse strings – at either the central bank or the finance ministry, with its powerful sovereign wealth fund.
But the UN Charter also reads: “states have the sovereign right to exploit their own resources.”
As Ukraine prepares for another year of confrontation, the world should understand that one fact is non-negotiable: our country will be an independent, fully sovereign state.
But imposing conditionality on sovereign states is a delicate matter – especially when the countries involved are as large, proud, and diverse as the BRICS.
First, sovereign debt in the eurozone would be restructured to ease the pain suffered by Greece and Spain.
In principle, credit ratings are based on statistical models of past defaults; in practice, however, with few national defaults having actually occurred, sovereign ratings are often a subjective affair.
And yet sovereign ratings matter tremendously.
Assessments of risk such as sovereign interest-rate spreads and credit default swaps react (and often over-react) fast; but, because they reflect only the market’s understanding of risk, they are not a systematic mechanism for uncovering hidden risks and avoiding crises.
Even with substantial reform to improve its growth potential, Greece will never be able to repay its sovereign debt and needs substantial relief.
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