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Socialist in sentence

378 examples of Socialist in a sentence

One has to have lived in a Socialist country (as I did) to fully understand the situation of the Georgian people (or any other country previously ruled by a Socialist regime.)
A useful film, if one's studying French socialist thought.
As a socialist I find this film invaluable as a gateway to Winstanley's writings.
How funny- the socialist wears a red tie and talks like Lenin on acid.
Kim seemed to reason that, while Russia was no longer Soviet, it retained enough socialist overtones to work with his country.
But it was also defined by adherence to Deng’s “four cardinal principles”: the socialist road; the people’s democratic dictatorship; the leadership of the CPC; and Marxism, Leninism, and Mao Zedong Thought.
Revolutionary communism may well have cleared the path for the boom in other ways as well, suggesting that the shift from socialist utopianism to capitalist pragmatism was less a U-turn than a sequential process of “creative destruction.”
After all, Mao’s Cultural Revolution against “feudal society” did raze much of the cultural landscape, denuding it not only of traditional values and institutions, but also of failed socialist efforts, leaving China ready for the seeds of capitalist development.
The answer is one that most analysts have overlooked: these governments are not only nationalist; they are also socialist.
But the reality is that the CDU leadership is re-orienting the party toward more socialist attitudes in order to attract a larger share of the electorate, making postponement of the necessary reforms all but inevitable.
But in the more "advanced" socialist countries, such as Russia, where 90% of the population was employed in state-owned industries, restructuring the state sector – a much harder job in many ways – was a necessity, and an obstacle to quick recovery.
As it stands, Hillary Clinton remains the frontrunner for the Democratic nomination, though she has not yet pulled away from her socialist opponent, Senator Bernie Sanders.
The European socialist party (ESP), which held 215 deputies in the old parliament, secured only 160 seats.
This is true for Northern Europe’s large social-democratic parties (Denmark and Sweden) but also for parties that attempted to “modernize” themselves by combining socialism and liberalism (the UK and Spain), and even for Europe’s more traditional socialist parties (Belgium and France), which, despite local successes, have found it difficult to re-gain national power.
Deep-seated biases and resentments – China’s so-called century of humiliation following the Opium Wars of the nineteenth century and America’s inability to get out of its own skin when assessing the ideological threat posed by a socialist state like China – sustained a long-simmering distrust that set the stage for the current conflict.
Legal reform efforts in the former socialist bloc mark the second major law and development movement.
It might more properly have been called a 1930s British socialist rate of growth.
The real danger is that rising nationalism could embolden a contingent of the Party, known in China as the New Left, that denounces capitalism and its Western proponents, and calls for a return to the Maoist socialist order of 40 years ago.
Recently, Venezuela’s despotic socialist government has been so desperate to avoid another default (which would be the country’s 11th since independence) that it mortgaged its industrial crown jewels, including the United States-based refiner Citgo, to the Russians and the Chinese.
It is understandable that left-leaning scholars found some of the socialist government’s redistribution and education policies appealing, as Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz did when visiting Caracas, the country’s capital, in 2007.
Historically, that of course includes the Nazis, who were National Socialists, and Mussolini, who began his political life as a socialist activist.
(The current and popular Socialist president, Michelle Bachelet, could not legally run for reelection.)
Yet the need for something drastically different and higher than the framed daily routine of an engineer and a citizen of the socialist paradise did not diminish.
That first war among socialist states shattered the myth of inviolable “fraternal” bonds between the Soviet Union and the captive nations of Eastern Europe.
This simple rule, largely followed in Eastern Europe in the socialist days, is also popular among European Union bureaucrats in Brussels today.
Even governments supposedly on the right, under Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, pursued socialist economic policies.
Some socialist ideologues propose to introduce a constitutional right to an apartment; others a right to be free from hunger and want.
These state controlled benefits have little to do with the justice supposedly wanted by their socialist promoters, but everything to do with rent-seeking and corruption.
Such a hybrid, tradition-bound system may function well enough in Asian societies like Japan or South Korea, but not in countries like Poland, which must modernize and demystify their state in order to throw off the inherited inertia of the socialist era.
But, in Chirac's eyes, Lamy possessed two fatal flaws: he is a socialist, and he favors reform of the Common Agricultural Policy.
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