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Shock in sentence

1561 examples of Shock in a sentence

The Moscow elite - economic and political - supported by a large but not overwhelming layer of regional elites, which benefited mightily from "stakhanov" style shock privatization, wants stability and fears most of all a fight over a renewed redistribution of property.
Peter Kenen argued in the late 1960’s that without exchange-rate movements as a shock absorber, a currency union requires fiscal transfers as a way to share risk.
These risks include the negative supply shock that could come from a trade war; higher oil prices, owing to politically motivated supply constraints; and inflationary domestic policies in the US.
This renewed focus on education partly reflects the world’s shock at recent attacks on education, including the Pakistani Taliban’s shooting of Malala Yousafzai and the radical Islamist sect Boko Haram’s kidnapping of over 200 schoolgirls in Nigeria.
Amid these challenges, some critics have argued that the best way to address external imbalances is with a massive fiscal adjustment shock.
In some countries, the magnitude of the shock was such that a large tax increase could not fill the gap.
The China shock did eventually recede, but Mexico never fully regained its competitiveness.
And even outside of high-cost regions, nearly two-thirds of US households lack the savings to cover a $500 shock such as a car repair or health-care expense.
Missing Growth MultipliersPRINCETON – In April 2010, when the global economy was beginning to recover from the shock of the 2008-2009 financial crisis, the International Monetary Fund’s World Economic Outlook predicted that global GDP growth would exceed 4% in 2010, with a steady annual growth rate of 4.5% maintained through 2015.
The negative shock adversely impacts the non-tradable sector, which is large (roughly two-thirds of an advanced economy) and wholly dependent on domestic demand.
The EU’s large states feel particularly vulnerable, and it is there that the biggest shock to expectations has occurred.
Any shock to sovereign debt or further downturn in local economies will be transmitted through an overleveraged and undercapitalized banking system to other European countries and – quite possibly – elsewhere, including the United States.
The global economy’s downturn increases countries’ political risk to varying degrees, depending on the severity of the shock and the nature of the implied social contract.
The US financial system can withstand any shock, because the US can print the money that it needs.
The problem is that the shock to the economy from the financial crisis was so bad that even Obama’s seemingly huge fiscal stimulus has not been enough.
It is this buffer – which amounted to $785 billion in the 2000-2011 period – that protected the economy from a larger shock when the global financial crisis erupted in 2009, and that has financed Russia’s foreign-policy initiatives, including its recent cooperation with Ukraine.
Televised images of Third World children with distended bellies no longer shock viewers.
While political leaders were caviling over the legality of interstate loans, European institutions were softening the blow from a global shock.
Shopped out, savings-less, and debt-burdened consumers have been hit by a wealth shock (falling home prices and stock markets), rising debt-service ratios, and falling incomes and employment.
Essentially, the world witnessed a large positive productivity shock emanating from the emerging markets, which accelerated world growth while reinforcing disinflationary pressures that had already been set in motion by the so-called Great Moderation in business-cycle volatility.
So the positive productivity shock should have raised the return to capital and, hence, equilibrium real interest rates.
Moreover, this tendency should have been accentuated by the fact that the productivity shock reflected a decline in the global capital-to-labor ratio implied by the integration of Chinese and Indian workers into the global economy.
Central to understanding this puzzle are two distinctive features of the emerging-market productivity shock: it was resource-intensive and mercantilist in origin and consequence.
One potential shock that has received much attention relates to monetary tightening.
In view of improving economic performance in the developed world, a gradual reversal of aggressively accommodative monetary policy does not appear likely to be a major drag or shock to asset values.
There is a strong chance that the Brexit negotiations will not be completed by the deadline, leading to a “no deal” scenario that generates a serious economic shock to Britain and possibly continental Europe.
A century later, in 2007-2008, the world experienced an even greater financial shock, and nationalistic passions have flared up in its wake.
Economies gravitate naturally to a full-employment equilibrium, and, after a shock, do so fairly quickly if not impeded by misguided government action.
The lasting adverse effects of the 2008 shock are likely to be much smaller there than in Europe.
As Norway’s minister for both the environment and development since 2007, I meet with other countries’ ministers with both portfolios, and it has come as a shock to see how the two groups lead such separate lives.
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