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Settlers in sentence

372 examples of Settlers in a sentence

It could also have been the basis of a confederal state, whose Palestinian part would have benefited from the West Bank settlers’ productivity and taxes.
Is this just a detail that can be safely ignored on the grounds that BDS targets “only” the territories, the Jewish settlements being built there, and the goods that the settlers produce?
The settlers, predominantly supporters of religious-nationalist movements and parties, often flaunt an attitude of superiority in their relations with Israeli authorities, pretending to have a special status with respect not only to Palestinians, but also to other Israeli citizens.
To be sure, when a peace treaty was signed with Egypt, Jewish settlers were forcibly evacuated from the Sinai.
Similarly, when Jewish communities in the Gaza Strip became unsupportable, the leader of the right, Ariel Sharon, forced out the 9,000 settlers who lived there among 1.5 million Palestinians – a dramatic event that has left deep scars on both sides.
But there are 250,000 Israeli settlers in the West Bank.
Certainly, according to Sharon’s thinking, there is no future for 9,000 Jewish settlers living among 1.2 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
This policy has deeply divided Israel: the settlers – mostly, but not exclusively religious – feel betrayed by Sharon, “The Father of the Settlements.”
The last weeks have seen massive demonstrations, some of them verging on violence; many of the settlers have declared that they will not obey government orders to evacuate.
This forcible approach is traumatic not only for the settlers, but also for many other Israelis.
Future negotiations will have to deal with the ultimate borders between Israel and Palestine, the fate of 200,000 Jewish settlers in the West Bank, the status of Jerusalem, and with the problem of the 1947-48 Palestinian refugees.
On the Israeli side, further disengagement from dozens of isolated and small settlements on the West Bank, entailing the evacuation of between 20,000 and 30,000 settlers, may be politically feasible and would give the Palestinians a contiguous territory on the West Bank.
Equally commendable has been the Greek Cypriot strategic decision to follow a Gandhi-like policy of non-violence: while there is deep bitterness about the Turkish occupation, and the fact that Turkish settlers were implanted in the North, the Greek Cypriot community decided not to use violence against the occupation.
When Charles de Gaulle stood on the governor’s balcony in Algiers on June 4, 1958, he told a crowd of French Algerian settlers, “Je vous ai compris !”(“I have understood you!”).
Within a few years, he would negotiate Algerian independence, infuriating those same settlers.
On the Israeli side, approximately 200,000 settlers on the West Bank and further development of the settlements weigh heavier than all noble words about two states.
But, because it runs partly through the West Bank and protects not only people living in Israel, but also the settlers in the occupied territories, Israel stands accused of an illegal "land grab."
The argument against the fence on the West Bank assumes that the settlers are there illegally and therefore are not entitled to the protection of a defensive barrier.
This language, in force since July 2002, arguably applies to official Israeli policies aimed at promoting "indirect transfer" by providing financial incentives to voluntary settlers.
Does that mean that the settlers are sitting ducks who can be attacked with impunity and have no right to defend themselves?
Even if some Israeli officials are guilty of a crime in encouraging settlements, does that mean that the settlers must be viewed as complicit?
Indeed, some settlements are more than 25 years old and many settlers are a second or third generation of people living in the region.
Whatever one thinks of the settlers, they, in their daily routine, are not engaged in a pattern of threatening to kill or assault anyone.
The fence assumes that they, as a people, are the source of the deadly threats to the settlers.
There are about 220,000 Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Gaza, excluding the approximately 190,000 people living in the neighborhoods of Jerusalem that extend beyond the pre-1967 border of the old, divided Jerusalem.
Despite the intifada , the number of settlers has decreased in only a few of the 144 settlements, and there are over 7,000 settlers in the Gaza Strip alone, in 16 communities occupying 20% of an impoverished land already suffering one of the highest population densities in the world.
In reality, the territories are an extension of Israeli sovereignty; the army is there to protect the settlers and to assert Israel's de facto sovereignty over them.
Three years ago, Premier Ehud Barak proposed a possible solution for approximately 150,000 settlers: combining some of the large settlements into contiguous blocks and annexing them to Israel along with the sprawling suburbs of Jerusalem, with Israeli land handed over to the future state of Palestine in exchange.
So some kind of system of incentives must be devised to encourage a large portion of settlers to repatriate and to allow for the continued presence of the others in the territories while respecting Palestinian sovereignty.
This will be easier for those settlers who moved to the territories for pragmatic reasons (subsidized housing, the quality of suburban life, tax incentives), because they are basically commuters, with a lifestyle that is not much different than if they were living in Israel.
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