Settlement
in sentence
935 examples of Settlement in a sentence
This will mean the development of more reliable and transparent clearing and
settlement
systems.
In Kenya, the EU, the government, and the UNHCR are spearheading a development project for an open
settlement
near Kalobeyei Township in Turkana, the country’s poorest region.
Last year, this
settlement
pattern severely exacerbated the impact of Hurricane Sandy – the second-costliest hurricane in US history.
In the 1960’s, David Ben-Gurion’s fatalistic pessimism about the possibility of ever reaching a peace
settlement
with the Arab countries led him to forge an “Alliance of the Periphery” with the non-Arab countries in the outer circle of the Middle East – Iran, Ethiopia, and Turkey (he also dreamed of having Lebanon’s Maronite community as part of that alliance).
In fact, far from fulfilling Obama’s pessimistic predictions, Russia’s Syrian operation may help drive forward a political
settlement.
What would a political
settlement
look like?
Even without a political settlement, Putin’s strategic achievements are notable.
Furthermore, the US – hesitant to face yet another foreign-policy disruption, much less offer assistance or deploy troops, and facing other hotspots where vital national interests are more at stake – has contributed, albeit discreetly, to a negotiated
settlement.
But Israel has not publicly agreed to the American and Palestinian request to rescind the
settlement
construction in Jerusalem approved during US Vice President Joe Biden’s recent visit to Israel.
Throughout the long years of this bloody tragedy, we have tried to inch our way to a
settlement
through confidence-building measures or, in the case of the long dead “Road Map,” through pushing both parties to take parallel steps towards an agreement.
A road map must be drawn up for the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Cyprus and a
settlement
of the political division of the island.
A final
settlement
of the lengthy dispute with Egypt over the waters of the Blue Nile – which rises in Ethiopia – appears to be in sight, and could have a powerful impact on economic growth.
Every large human
settlement
on our planet is connected to another by air transport.
Hamas’s rejection of the Oslo Accords bore political fruit as it became increasingly clear to Palestinians that the handshakes on the White House lawn would not produce the coveted end to the Israeli occupation, or even of Israel’s illegal
settlement
activities.
After 60 years of failures, and as the generation that lived through the Nakbeh passes from the scene, a political
settlement
that can provide Palestinians with freedom in an independent state alongside a secure Israel and a fair solution of the refugee problem is more necessary – but also appears less possible – than ever.
There is also every reason to renew diplomatic efforts to bring about a lasting cease-fire and, following that, a
settlement
that addresses the grievances that helped bring about this crisis in the first place.
The chances of a comprehensive and sustainable two-state
settlement
now being negotiated with Mahmoud Abbas’s West Bank-based Palestinian Authority (PA) – and of its acceptance, albeit grudgingly, by Gaza’s Hamas after a popular vote – may be slim and receding.
How can Israel’s preferred Palestinian leaders, Abbas and PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, be left with any credible capacity to negotiate if talks cannot begin until, as Israel insists, they retreat on their minimum condition of a
settlement
freeze in the Occupied Territories?
For all that Israel downplays its significance, the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 still offers a critically important deal: full normalization of relations by the entire Arab world in exchange for a comprehensive peace
settlement.
Of course, to put on the table a comprehensive
settlement
plan that addresses all of the final-status issues, with compromises that all sides could be persuaded and pressured to accept, would require statesmanship.
This is just a little of what 2010 perhaps has in store – and no mention yet of Israeli
settlement
building on the West Bank, Pakistan’s struggle against murderous extremists, and NATO’s bloody difficulties in propping up a discredited and corrupt Afghan regime in order to prevent the country from falling back into the hands of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda.
Moreover, when Obama, as one of his last acts in office, refused to veto a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning Israeli
settlement
construction in the West Bank, Trump railed against him.
During Netanyahu’s visit to Washington, DC, in February, Trump publicly urged him to “restrain”
settlement
construction in the West Bank.
It is in everybody’s interest that Israel’s government acts with restraint regarding West Bank
settlement
and the status of Jerusalem and its holy sites.
So virulent is the dispute that even a short-term
settlement
will require third-party mediation.
Second, the
settlement
came at a time when the American authorities faced heavy criticism for being soft on big banks during and after the 2008 financial crisis.
It is an irony because the Western Alliance finds itself in deep crisis as a result of its failure to employ its still enormous military might to further a Balkan
settlement.
But, thanks to the efforts of New York’s attorney general, Eric Schneiderman, and others, serious discussion has started in the United States about an out-of court mortgage
settlement
between state attorney generals and prominent financial-sector firms.
The scale and structure of any out-of-court mortgage
settlement
should address the damage inflicted by the alleged pattern of behavior.
On the other hand, a large-scale
settlement
that legitimately and finally removed the threat of future legal action would lift an enormous cloud that hangs over some of the largest lenders, including Bank of America, and creates significant risks for the rest of the financial system.
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