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Sector in sentence

4741 examples of Sector in a sentence

And because the government’s balance sheet is still strong enough to bail out unviable financial firms, it can address any emerging sources of stress in that crucial sector.
A significant part was financed by non-debt-creating inflows of foreign direct investment, but external borrowing, particularly by the private sector, also grew very rapidly.
A timely reminder by EU leaders of the strategic importance of the aerospace sector would have helped allay many of the misgivings in Berlin, and to a lesser degree in London, that ultimately sank the deal.
If there is a moral hazard, it is on the part of the lenders – especially in the private sector – who have been bailed out repeatedly.
If Europe has allowed these debts to move from the private sector to the public sector – a well-established pattern over the past half-century – it is Europe, not Greece, that should bear the consequences.
As a result, the crisis continued to develop and take on new forms, including, most dangerously, in the banking sector in Italy, the “fault line of Europe.”
The financial sector will press governments to ensure full repayment, even when it leads to massive social waste, huge unemployment, and high social distress – and even when it is a consequence of their own mistakes in lending.
Instead, donor governments and the World Bank have insisted for years that impoverished countries cut financing to these villages, under the guise of promoting “macroeconomic stability” – a polite way of demanding debt repayment – and reflecting the ideological delusion that the private sector will step in.
Extra investment in the sector could contribute 5% to employment by 2030, and the additional wealth created could drive up labor demand, boosting employment by another 12%.
This requires, first and foremost, that China build a national value chain and elevate its manufacturing sector, which currently depends excessively on foreign research and development, imports of raw materials and semi-finished parts, and external demand.
The sector’s domestic value chain is woefully weak.
First, it should improve the manufacturing sector’s localization rate for parts and components by accelerating the transmission of raw materials and intermediate inputs and integrating export-oriented producers with domestic industries.
Second, in accordance with China’s 12th Five-Year Plan, the free-trade zone aims to extend the industrial value chain and improve value-added content, promote the coordination of domestic and foreign investment in manufacturing, and strengthen the sector’s classification and assessment capacity.
Shanghai’s role in trade, finance, investment, and shipping – together with an increasingly open service sector, improved regulatory environment, and focus on institutional innovation – will eventually lead to domestic market reform and drive China’s integration into new trade agreements.
Perhaps the EU will make special exceptions to protect the British university sector, or treat the UK like Liechtenstein, a microstate with access to the single market.
With the construction sector thriving, unemployment falling, and banks lending freely, people are happy – and politicians like it that way.
But the partygoers of the private sector cannot be counted on to stop themselves.
As for financial regulation, while the recent crisis has highlighted the need for stricter rules, agreement on many issues has proven to be elusive, partly because the Obama administration is too close to the financial sector.
With Romney, though, there would be no distance at all: metaphorically speaking, he is the financial sector.
One shudders to think what lessons the US financial sector will draw if, after the multi-trillion dollar bailout, there are only superficial, toothless reforms.
China could also expand its tech sector through homegrown entrepreneurship, except that the Chinese economy does not provide easy access to credit and is hamstrung by excessive regulations that make it difficult to start a competitive business.
Examples include the oil and gas sector, the health sector, and the humanitarian sector, including aid agencies and United Nations peacekeepers.
Still others highlight the role that the political system played in inflating the banking sector and real-estate prices, particularly the sub-prime sector.
While today’s proposed pay restrictions are unlikely to stop the next financial crisis, they are likely to damage the financial sector.
Another $1.5 trillion is needed to bring banks’ capital back to pre-crisis level, which is needed to resolve the credit crunch and restore lending to the private sector.
There are four basic approaches to cleaning up a banking system that is facing a systemic crisis: recapitalization of the banks, together with a purchase of their toxic assets by a government “bad bank”; recapitalization, together with government guarantees – after a first loss by the banks – of the toxic assets; private purchase of toxic assets with a government guarantee (the current US government plan); and outright nationalization (or call it “government receivership” if you don’t like the dirty N-word) of insolvent banks and their resale to the private sector after being cleaned.
The banking sector is still digging out from the bad loans extended in the aftermath of the global meltdown in 2008.
It includes developing the services sector, funding the social safety net, liberalizing an antiquated residential-permit system (hukou), reforming state-owned enterprises, and ending financial repression on households by lifting artificially low interest rates on savings.
But the Fed’s unconventional monetary policies have also created dangerous risks to the financial sector and the economy as a whole.
EMU will further accelerate these fundamental changes by stimulating cut-throat competition and creating a large and liquid capital market, leading to a shake-out in the financial sector itself, as corporations consolidate their European banking relations among a smaller number of institutions.
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