Scholar
in sentence
218 examples of Scholar in a sentence
I’m no constitutional scholar, but I see all sorts of escapes for Yeltsin within his constitution.
As the American
scholar
and activist Hussein Ibish recently argued, Obama has appointed a cabinet designed to give him maximum room to negotiate a deal with Iran.
Tajbakhsh, an internationally respected scholar, social scientist, urban planner, and dual citizen of Iran and the United States, has languished in Tehran’s Evin Prison – notorious for its documented cases of torture and detainee abuse – since May 11.
At the time she was named Director of Policy Planning at the US State Department, Anne-Marie Slaughter, a respected
scholar
of international affairs, boldly heralded the advent of a networked world.
Kenneth Waltz, an American scholar, recently published an article entitled “Why Iran Should Get the Bomb.”
The profiles of the “convicts” raise eyebrows: Emad Shahin, for example, is a world-renowned academic who has taught at Harvard and the American University in Cairo;Sondos Asem is a promising young
scholar
and political activist.
This led to what the
scholar
Moncef Djaziri described as a division of formal and informal authority.
What we call schizophrenia and bipolar disorder are recognizable in literature dating back to ancient Greece, and The Anatomy of Melancholy, published in 1621 by the English
scholar
Robert Burton, remains one of the most astute descriptions of depression.
The choice of Bernanke, an accomplished scholar, apparently reflected Bush’s acceptance of the public’s expectation of a first-rate appointee.
In the seventeenth century, the Dutch
scholar
Hugo Grotius, who is recognized for codifying international law, argued that pirates could be tried for their crimes, regardless of where they were committed, aboard the ships that captured them.
“Science needs us” is how Armanda Kouassi, an industrial engineer and former Mastercard Foundation scholar, puts it.
As Rebecca, a Mastercard Foundation
scholar
from Uganda, remembers, “When I was at my school, the boys used to call us ‘half-men,’ because if you’re a lady and you go for sciences, you’re a half-man.”
As Miranda, another Mastercard Foundation scholar, recently observed, “As we try to find new innovations and inventions to drive the economy, I believe that math and science is at the forefront of that progress.”
But nor is the kind of marriage that the Islam
scholar
Tariq Ramadan advocates.
If Bill Clinton had read the books of George Kennan, that father of the Marshall Plan and policy of "containment" toward the USSR, and a lifelong
scholar
of Russian civilization, the thoughtless rush to expand NATO might not have occurred, at least not as it did.
Floated by the Chinese
scholar
Ruan Zongze in a journal article last year, and evidently the subject of much internal discussion since, Responsible Protection builds upon “Responsibility While Protecting,” an approach earlier proposed by Brazil that has already gained some traction at the UN.
The
scholar
Tariq Ramadan, for example, has spoken of the rise of a “European Islam,” which anchors Islamic principles to the cultural reality of Western Europe.
The ideal
scholar
of imperial times took great risks to speak truth to power, in order to expose official corruption and spur reform.
The Polish
scholar
Andrzej Leder put it best: “Those who have a sense of victimization have hearts of stone.”
Hence, for most of the war, Qatar has sponsored the Islamists, mainly by providing financial support to a single person: the religious activist and
scholar
Ali Muhammad al-Salabi.
One can argue that the West as we know it – the modern world, we might say – began with the great
scholar
Pico della Mirandola, who argued that all mankind possesses creativity.
The great China
scholar
Perry Link has compared the CPC’s control mechanism to “the anaconda in the chandelier”: at any moment it can drop and throttle you, but you never know when this will happen.
This perspective, however, is vigorously contested by the Chinese
scholar
Lanxin Xiang.
Outsiders misinterpreted this system – “built on a clearly defined scheme,” as Xiang describes it, with “blood-line royal legitimacy at the top” and “the
scholar
gentry to administer affairs of state” – as a recipe for stagnation.
As the
scholar
and commentator Pratap Bhanu Mehta recently noted, “it is difficult to remember a time” when the “premium on public and professional discourse marching to the state’s tune was as high.”
In fact, Johnson, as a
scholar
of the classical world, must be aware that the model of the upper-class demagogue gaining power by stirring up the angry passions of aggrieved plebeians goes back to the late Roman Republic, when people’s tribunes attacked the patrician Senate, often by inciting violent mobs.
John Ruggie, the
scholar
who played a key role developing and managing the Global Compact, describes it and similar initiatives as transnational efforts that help firms develop social identities.
This Eastern European memory culture was fundamentally transformed after the collapse of communism by the “Americanization” of the Holocaust – meaning, as German cultural studies
scholar
Winfried Fluck puts it, a democratizing process of stripping away complexity in order to make complicated events accessible to a wider public.
As the influential American legal
scholar
Louis Henkin noted back in 1968, “almost all nations observe almost all principles of international law and almost all of their obligations almost all of the time.”
To prevent emergency measures from becoming permanent – especially once public attention has shifted elsewhere – the American law
scholar
Bruce Ackerman has advocated the ingenious mechanism of a “super-majoritarian escalator”: laws and decrees can be renewed periodically, but only if ever larger majorities agree to do so.
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