Savings
in sentence
1605 examples of Savings in a sentence
And if Japan’s domestic net saving surplus vanishes, the current $175 billion of capital outflow would no longer be available to other countries, while Japan might itself become a net drain on global
savings.
The difficult question is whether employees in fact regard these contributions as their own
savings
or merely as taxes – in which case they may discourage labor or create incentives to work in the black economy.
This supply chain is characterized by the dominance of the state-owned banks, high domestic savings, relatively under-developed financial markets, and a closed capital account.
Conventional wisdom holds that, through efficient financial markets, household
savings
will flow to companies that can best put the money to productive use.
Smart grid systems can enable big
savings
in emissions, but require a plan for putting them into effect.
Although global
savings
amount to $17 trillion and liquidity is at an all-time high, a relatively small share of these resources is being channeled toward investments that support development objectives, such as closing the massive infrastructure gap.
Before the global economic crisis, entrepreneurs often relied on personal savings, credit cards, home equity loans, and investments by friends and family for start-up capital.
After all, bank depositors regularly lose more when unexpected inflation erodes their savings’ real purchasing power (only the nominal value of those deposits is insured).
When spectacular inflation hit Germany in 1923, it wiped out the real value of the (unhedged and unindexed) life
savings
and social-security benefits of millions of people, whose anger contributed to the rise of Nazism.
The results in both cases have been a political history devoid of coups, and financial
savings
that can be used for education, investment, and other good things.
In particular, the reforms were needed to deflate an emerging property bubble resulting from huge
savings
and foreign capital inflows that had no other profitable investment outlet.
But risk is not fate: The best way to avoid such an outcome is to figure out how to channel large pools of
savings
into productivity-enhancing public-sector investment.
That process takes time, of course – especially if, say, the initial recipients of increased income already have a high
savings
rate.
Such crises cause major negative demand shocks, as excess debt and falling asset prices damage balance sheets, which then require increased
savings
to heal – a combination that is lethal to growth.
Given that roughly one-third of output in advanced economies is tradable – a share that will only increase, as technological advances enable more services to be traded – the benefits of a program to channel
savings
into public investment would spill over to other economies.
At the same time, a new United Nations report shows that annual investments in disaster-risk reduction of $6 billion can result in
savings
of up to $360 billion.
The Republicans’ proposed tax cuts would create a $2 trillion revenue shortfall over the next decade, and they cannot plug that hole with revenue
savings
from their health-care reform plan or with the $1.2 trillion that could have been expected from a BAT.
Second, American consumers increased spending as a result of their paper wealth, reducing or eliminating their
savings
from income because their stock market wealth would protect them in the future.
And, thanks to the large pool of
savings
generated by Chinese households and state-owned companies, the Chinese economy can for the time being bear the waste and misallocation implied by such crony capitalism.
These effects, they argue, will more than offset any gains from tax revenue and
savings
from law enforcement.
BEIJING – Ever since the integration of emerging markets into the global economy began in the early 1990’s, three striking trends have emerged: a divergence in private
savings
rates between the industrialized core and the emerging periphery (the former experiencing a sharp rise, and the latter a steady decline); large global imbalances between the two regions; and a drop in interest rates worldwide.
But, while global imbalances have preoccupied many observers, few have sought to explain the divergence in world
savings
behavior.
In 1988, the household
savings
rate in China and the United States was roughly equal, at about 5%.
Yet, by 2007, China’s household
savings
rate had risen to a staggering 30%, compared to just 2.5% in the US.
But how can
savings
patterns be so different – often opposite – in globalized economies that are well integrated into world capital markets?
A more plausible explanation is that institutional differences in the ability to borrow dictate to some extent the disparity in
savings
rates across countries.
At the macro level, a less credit-constrained economy (with a large mass of effective borrowers) could then experience a fall in the
savings
rate as borrowing rose.
However, in a country with a large mass of effective savers, the
savings
rate can rise, rather than fall.
This asymmetry in
savings
patterns might thus reflect the simple fact that credit-constrained economies are less sensitive to drops in the cost of borrowing relative to less constrained economies.
In fact, there was a remarkable contrast in
savings
behavior across age groups in China and the US in the period 1992-2009.
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