Sanctions
in sentence
2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence
By then, new European and American
sanctions
on Iranian oil exports will be in force, and the United States Congress is pushing to apply more, with influential voices there arguing that the negotiation game is over.
In return for all of this, no new
sanctions
would be imposed, and access to aircraft spare parts would be eased.
But Iran wants more: at a minimum, formal recognition of its “inalienable right to enrich” uranium, no shutdown of any existing facility, and the removal, in significant part, of the many
sanctions
that have been imposed upon it (for refusing to comply with Security Council resolutions requiring it to suspend all enrichment activity).
Its leaders feel their own bargaining position strengthened by the country’s new facilities and stockpiles, and, while hurt by sanctions, too much pride is at stake ever to surrender in the face of them.
The Council would declare that further proliferation of nuclear weapons is a threat to peace, and that any country moving in that direction is subject to
sanctions.
The pot could be further sweetened by offers to relax existing
sanctions
and provide a security guarantee if Iran remains non-nuclear.
If I had suggested to my superiors at that time that the UN would one day observe and even run elections in sovereign states, conduct intrusive inspections for weapons of mass destruction, impose comprehensive
sanctions
on the entire import-export trade of a member state, or set up international criminal tribunals and coerce governments into handing over their citizens to be tried by foreigners under international law, they would have told me that I did not understand what the UN was all about.
It is the oldest international environmental agreement and one of the few with real teeth, because it can impose trade
sanctions
for non-compliance – and because virtually all countries have joined.
Nevertheless, and understandably, many countries make decisions to locate production locally and to protect it against foreign trade, fearing market breakdown through war, trade sanctions, or simply shortsighted decisions by foreign governments to protect their own populations from price increases.
None of this, however, made any difference in people’s daily lives - indeed, the Kosovo war and
sanctions
on Serbia knocked 1-2% off Romania’s GDP last year.
Indeed, it was the bite of European
sanctions
that ultimately brought Iran to the negotiating table, and the force of unified European diplomacy facilitated the “joint plan of action,” which set out the terms for reaching a comprehensive long-term agreement within six months.
The toll taken by years of tough economic
sanctions
is also apparent.
Despite Iranian officials’ best efforts to downplay the sanctions’ impact, it is difficult to spin inflation in excess of 30% and projected GDP growth of just 1% this year.
For Iran, a staunch supporter of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, a weaker US-Saudi relationship is key to shifting the regional balance of power – especially if it is accompanied by the easing of Western economic
sanctions.
The “extremists,” whom Bush expected to be defeated through economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and military action, have prevailed.
America’s drive to force Iran to stop its nuclear program through an ineffective
sanctions
regime has been no more successful than any of its other schemes to isolate the region’s extremists.
Years of dictatorship and
sanctions
decimated Iraq's business and professional classes.
Such people abound in Iraq, however decimated by years of
sanctions.
The US and the European Union countered with increasingly harsh and sophisticated
sanctions
and a broader campaign to “isolate” Russia diplomatically.
There is now no question that the Kremlin’s military spending is threatening Russia’s fiscal position, which has already been undermined by low world oil prices and the West’s economic
sanctions.
This is a major problem, given that Russia, despite its miniscule sovereign debt of only 13% of GDP, cannot borrow on global financial markets, owing to Western
sanctions.
With the fund amounting to only about 6% of GDP, Russia can maintain a 3.7% deficit for less than two years before it either has to withdraw from Ukraine to gain relief from Western sanctions, or undertake a major – and, for Putin, politically dangerous – fiscal adjustment.
If Russia could not afford a 4%-of-GDP defense budget in good times, it cannot possibly manage such a high rate of military spending now, when it confronts rock-bottom oil prices, Western sanctions, and economic recession.
As Council president, France, which shares America’s views about the need to strengthen
sanctions
on Iran’s government, can raise the matter, something that China eschewed during its tenure in January as Council leader.
Moreover, despite the pain they impose, economic
sanctions
historically have a poor record of prompting countries to change fundamental policy.
The country’s dramatic shift from the nearly quarter-century effort to get the bomb marks a remarkable proliferation reversal – and
sanctions
played a key role.
How those
sanctions
worked in tandem with other forms of pressure provides hope that they may yet help turn Iran around.
But Qadaffi’s hubris and revolutionary zeal blunted the goal by stimulating the imposition of international
sanctions
that ultimately brought down his nuclear program.
Until then, the United States had led a lonely battle to isolate Libya by severing diplomatic relations and imposing economic
sanctions
and embargos on oil imports and arms exports.
Prompted by the Lockerbie tragedy, Security Council
sanctions
adopted in 1992 and 1993 changed the dynamic.
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