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Sanctions in sentence

2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence

On May 14, 2002, the Security Council gave the tottering sanctions regime a new lease on life by unanimously adopting a simplified screening procedure.
Rather, Iranian policy will be shaped by its domestic politics, by the ability of the international community to present a united front, and by the willingness of the US to put forth a reasonable diplomatic offer against the backdrop of sanctions and potential military strikes should diplomacy fail.
The North conducted its recent nuclear and missile tests despite Chinese sanctions, which have halted coal imports from North Korea – the regime’s main revenue source.
At the same time, non-forcible sanctions, such as economic measures, are generally compatible with current international law.
After the US accused Russia of committing war crimes in Syria, Russia declared that it was suspending an agreement to dispose of surplus plutonium unless the US meets certain conditions, including compensating Russia for the costs of Western sanctions imposed after Russia annexed Crimea in March 2014.
Sanctions imposed on journalists, lawyers, and others who cross an invisible line often involve punitive legal action, though in many cases the authorities dispense with formalities to ensure their line is toed.
It appears to be contemplating a wide range of economic and political sanctions – from imposing punitive tariffs and designating China as a “currency manipulator” to embracing Taiwan and casting aside some 40 years of diplomacy framed around the so-called One-China policy.
If it follows through with its threats, expect China to reciprocate with sanctions on US companies operating there, and ultimately with tariffs on US imports – hardly trivial considerations for a growth-starved US economy.
The Trump administration’s erratic use of sanctions compounds the problem by making it difficult to price transactions with countries that could be friends one day but deemed enemies the next.
When the US unilaterally decided to withdraw from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal and re-impose sanctions, the European Union suddenly faced new barriers to trade with Iran.
The EU must now attempt to circumvent US sanctions by establishing a “special payments system” with China and Russia.
Europe has been handicapped by several major problems: a shaky consensus on sanctions against Russia; continuing questions surrounding the euro; the threat of a British exit from the EU; and a resurgence of illiberal nationalism and populism.
Russia under President Vladimir Putin has been keen to demonstrate that it is a global player – even as its economy suffers from international sanctions, plunging oil prices, and a lack of modernization.
If emerging conflicts and competitive pressures lead to, say, economic sanctions or the obstruction of key trade routes, the resulting balkanization of global trade would diminish globalization’s benefits substantially.
But perhaps the strongest message is being sent via targeted sanctions on Russia’s oil, finance, defense, and technology industries, as well as on Russian officials.
Iranian experts argue that, in considering the trade-off between internal unrest and external sanctions, the Iranian government must choose between domestic security and international security.
The Islamic Revolution has survived a brutal war with Iraq, economic sanctions, and decades of international pressure and isolation from the US.
Indeed, as long as China and Russia have money to invest and arms to sell, most UN sanctions will be toothless.
However, domestic pressure, a sense of nationalism, and the need to improve its bargaining position with Western countries might force the Iranian government to respond to harsh UN sanctions or an air attack on its nuclear facilities.
Indeed, given that Iran has so far survived severe international sanctions, its leaders believe that they could get an offer from the US after the election – particularly if Romney wins – that recognizes their right to enrich uranium.
For example, earlier this month, while many were fixated on Trump’s rhetoric, US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson secured United Nations Security Council approval for increased sanctions on North Korea, and China said that it would curtail its imports from the North.
Iran is not just anxious about the reinstatement of US sanctions after May 12, when US President Donald Trump is expected to make good on his campaign promise to withdraw from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal.
With the threat of renewed US sanctions having already created a rial crisis, the Trump administration is using the nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, to try to force Iran to accept more restrictions on its nuclear program, as well as on its ballistic missile program.
First proposed by Khamenei in 2012, this approach relies on import substitution and favors domestic over foreign investment, in an effort to reduce Iran’s reliance on Western economies and strengthen its resilience against international sanctions.
After two years of negative growth, the Iranian economy rebounded strongly in 2016, as international sanctions were lifted.
Burdened by non-performing loans accumulated during the 2000s real-estate boom, Iranian banks have been unable to lend for investment since 2012, owing to sanctions.
A bill currently progressing through the US Congress would impose sanctions on Nicaragua if Ortega does not move to restore democratic freedoms and stem corruption.
Trump’s misguided economic nationalism – embodied in new sanctions, tariffs, and scuttled trade deals – has weakened the United States in the Pacific Rim, and created fresh opportunities for America’s adversaries.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s election as President of Iran in 2005 derailed those talks and ultimately led to the imposition of sanctions.
The agreement – known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – limits Iran’s nuclear program to peaceful purposes in exchange for lifting all international sanctions on the country.
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