Sanctions
in sentence
2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence
Suspicion is certainly the order of the day in the US, where the authorities have announced massive
sanctions
against two Russian tycoons, Oleg Deripaska and Viktor Vekselberg, as part of an effort to punish the Kremlin for its alleged meddling in the 2016 presidential election.
On its so-called Putin list – a
sanctions
watch list created last January – the US Treasury identified 96 “oligarchs” based on the mere fact that they are worth more than $1 billion.
That means potentially giving a pass to the many wealthy Russians who in recent years have been selling off parts of their holdings in Russia and investing in Western countries (presumably at least partly owing to sanctions).
Containment prevailed, but this hardly settled the debate, as there were intense arguments both over where it should be applied (Vietnam, Central America, and the Middle East all come to mind) and how it should be carried out, i.e., the right mix of military force, covert action, diplomacy and arms control, and economic
sanctions
and assistance.
Russia’s European HomeMOSCOW – Last spring, after Russia annexed Crimea and began intervening in eastern Ukraine, the United States and the European Union introduced
sanctions
against Russian individuals and businesses.
But if
sanctions
are to be an effective tool in countering Vladimir Putin’s ambitions – a topic of ongoing debate in the West – they must combine a firm hand toward Russia’s president with an open one toward its people.
To understand the role that
sanctions
can play in managing the Kremlin, one need only consider the importance of money to its occupant.
But with the introduction of sanctions, financial markets are closed, for the most part, to Russian businesses.
But, though the
sanctions
clearly are starting to bite, it will be some time before the bulk of the Russian public actually feels their impact.
The “Putin consensus” was built on the promise of rising prosperity – a promise that is quickly evaporating under the heat of
sanctions.
The goal of Western
sanctions
should be to detach Russia’s pre-modern rulers from its modern population.
Russia’s central national interest is primarily economic, as it reels from the combined blows of the collapse in oil prices, weak European growth, and Western financial
sanctions.
Of course, there is a scenario in which the personal chemistry between leaders brings an earlier relaxation of Western
sanctions.
US
sanctions
may remain on the books for now, but the Obama administration’s active efforts to discourage global banks from financing Russia from European subsidiaries will be difficult to continue indefinitely.
In 2016, China imposed
sanctions
on South Korea in response to the decision to allow the United States to deploy a missile-defense system there.
While an outright military conflict between Israel and the US on one side and Iran on the other side remains unlikely, it is clear that negotiations and
sanctions
will not induce Iran’s leaders to abandon efforts to develop nuclear weapons.
Chinese traders and investors have in recent years moved in as Japan and South Korea, two of North Korea’s longstanding trade partners, have withdrawn, owing to official
sanctions
and increasing public irritation with the North’s intransigent behavior.
Chinese leaders’ longstanding reluctance to participate in international
sanctions
is often attributed to their belief in judging actions by whether or not they work.
Mix in China’s shaky financial system and the prospect of trade
sanctions
after an altercation over, say, Taiwan, and it is clear that the Yuan might not always be a one-way bet.
India’s best option is to hold out a credible threat of military action, while imposing, together with other democratic powers, economic
sanctions
that undercut support for Yameen among the Maldivian elite, many of whom own the luxury resorts that now have far too many empty rooms.
Inflation, unemployment, sanctions, and falling oil prices have created a perfect storm, threatening the stability of the regime.
Putin views the collapse of the Soviet Union as largely an economic failure, and he recognizes that private property and the market can make the Russian economy more resilient in the face of Western
sanctions.
Such agreements comprise more than expressions of intent; they contain codified, enforceable rules, along with
sanctions
for non-compliance.
Western
sanctions
have fueled capital flight on a scale not seen since the early years of the country’s post-communist transition.
Just before the EU finally tightened its
sanctions
at the end of July, Marietje Schaake, a Dutch MEP, observed that almost every European country had “voluntarily handed over power to Mr. Putin, allowing him to play countries against each other.”
The unexpected Crimea crisis, anxiety about Russia’s intentions in the region, and Western
sanctions
have further unnerved already skittish investors.
And now there are new risks emanating from worsening East-West relations, escalating
sanctions
on Russia, and possible contagion effects on other emerging-market countries.
Troubled by the president’s apparent soft spot for (or perhaps fear of) Vladimir Putin, overwhelming bipartisan majorities in both chambers passed a bill to impose more
sanctions
on Russia and – most unusually – to prevent the president from lifting any such penalties.
Membership would require Ukraine to double import tariffs on EU goods, at an annual cost equivalent to 4% of GDP; and it would not even guarantee free trade among its members (Russia already applies trade
sanctions
against Belarus and Kazakhstan).
Putin’s DilemmaPARIS – Many critics argue that the
sanctions
imposed on Russia for its actions in Ukraine are ineffective, because they are too limited in scale and scope.
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