Rules
in sentence
4693 examples of Rules in a sentence
Amid the confusion, the one really important political issue is ignored: whether we can design
rules
and allocate institutional responsibilities to ensure that monetary financing is used only in an appropriately moderate and disciplined fashion, or whether the temptation to use it to excess will prove irresistible.
But if, as I believe, the discipline problem can be solved, we need to start formulating the right
rules
and distribution of responsibilities.
A no-deal Brexit would rule out the transition period that Britain desperately needs to negotiate the thousands of rules, regulations, and standards required to continue trading with Europe, as well as the US, Japan, China, and other countries covered by agreements negotiated by the EU over many decades.
Without this transition period, British exports would come to a temporary standstill in March 2019, because agreements on product safety, labeling, food quality, public procurement, and hundreds of other little-known issues must be negotiated to trade under World Trade Organization
rules
– and these need to satisfy all 164 members of the WTO.
Without that prospect, no candidate country would go through the painful process of adopting the tens of thousands of
rules
and regulations contained in the Acquis Communautaire (the body of EU law).
The election, staggered over five phases – involving five polling days over four weeks, rather than one “election day” – will determine who
rules
the world’s largest democracy.
Some played by the rules; others forged documents.
Six years ago, Ivan Krastev and I wrote a paper for the European Council on Foreign Relations warning of the specter of a multipolar Europe, wherein the
rules
and institutions affecting European countries would not all be decided by the EU.
The underlying issue is whether Europe’s monetary union needs greater integration to manage crises such as Greece’s, or whether it can maintain the current approach, founded on national responsibility and sanctions for those who break the
rules.
Under the
rules
of the World Trade Organization, the same import duties must be applied to all WTO participants – which means that if Britain’s imports from the EU are duty-free, its imports from the rest of the world must be, too.
The city states, Hong Kong and Singapore, have clear-sighted WTO policies, focusing on market access and strong
rules.
Unless and until it becomes a space where
rules
and rights apply like they do in the real world, that is unlikely to change.
But the fundamental challenge is to suffuse the Internet with the same rules, rights, and values that pervade our democracies.
Because no single body or government sets
rules
for the entire Internet, any digital code of conduct would have to emerge from the grassroots – and thus would be highly imperfect.
But perhaps the NSA has helped start the discussion: though we may not know which
rules
we want, we may now have gained a much better idea of which
rules
we do not want.
In fact, the obligation of states to abide by humanitarian
rules
of conduct while their enemies are free to barbarize warfare is what makes asymmetric wars especially insoluble.
But there is something they can do to ensure the benefits of inflation-targeting
rules
(credibility and well-anchored inflation expectations) while also supporting recovery: raise the stated target.
Some of those regulatory changes may be reversed, but Britain is unlikely to jeopardize an important component of its economy by returning to pre-Thatcher financial
rules.
The idea of the “moral indifference” of the law of war is based on the recognition that wars will not be eliminated, and that they should instead be limited and their horrors mitigated by universally applicable
rules
of conduct.
Such a war will always be without rules, always a total war.
Excessive red tape and ineffective enforcement of competition policy and governance
rules
are hampering entrepreneurship throughout the region.
Clear and accessible ledgers that faithfully describe not only who controls what and where, but also the
rules
governing potential combinations – of, say, collateral, components, producers, entrepreneurs, and legal and property rights – are vital for the system to function.
Instead, their entrepreneurial talents and legal rights to assets are recorded in hundreds of scattered records and
rules
systems throughout their countries, making them internationally inaccessible.
China claims that it is entitled to play a role in setting the
rules
that govern the international system.
Given that the Doha Round has failed to address the main problems that the US and Europe have encountered in trade relations with China – non-compliance with intellectual-property rules, subsidies for state-owned enterprises, closed government-procurement markets, and limits on access to the services market – both are now emphasizing bilateral trade agreements.
Multilateralism requires minimal consensus on global
rules
and norms among all major powers.
Because the US Senate’s budget-reconciliation
rules
require all tax cuts to be revenue-neutral after ten years, Republicans will either have to cut tax rates by far less than they had originally intended, or settle for temporary and limited tax cuts that aren’t paid for.
The crucial question is whether we can devise
rules
and responsibilities to guard against that danger.
Moreover, there is no reason why we cannot construct
rules
and responsibilities to mitigate the political risk of excessive use.
Of course, opponents can counter with a “slippery slope” argument: Only total prohibition is a defensible line against political pressure for ever-laxer
rules.
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