Revenues
in sentence
1273 examples of Revenues in a sentence
In the past, abundant investment and energy
revenues
limited the incentive to mobilize tax
revenues.
In any given year, governments can forecast that their growth rates, tax revenues, and budget balances will improve in subsequent years, and then argue the following year that the shortfalls were unexpected.
Another trick is to legislate tax cuts that are “temporary,” in order to make future
revenues
look larger, despite the intention to make the cuts permanent before they expire.
The debt crisis came after more than a decade of recession (Puerto Rico’s per capita GDP peaked in 2004), declining revenues, and a steady slide in its population.
A government cannot liquidate its deficit if the source of its revenues, the national income, is diminishing.
Governments have been struggling with the impossible task of balancing their books despite dwindling
revenues.
The welfare state is sustainable only if
revenues
grow in line with spending needs; protracted stagnation would inevitably result in it being dismantled piece by piece.
The company’s revenue varies with the global price of copper, yielding higher government
revenues
in some years and declines – for example, this year – when the global price is down.
Taxes and other government
revenues
are less than 20% of GDP.
For ASEAN, the shift from centralized global supply chains to localized production systems could have a serious impact on export
revenues
and the investment by which it is driven.
Much greater creativity can be found in the UAE, which has used its oil
revenues
to invest in infrastructure and amenities, thus transforming Dubai into a successful tourism and business hub.
Today, the government promotes industrial and infrastructure projects that, by encouraging investment and generating tax revenues, enable the economy to meet ambitious – though no longer harebrained – growth targets.
The European Union’s weak, fractured institutions dispose of less than 2% of eurozone GDP in tax
revenues.
This deterioration in government finances is not due to declining revenues, but to sharp increases in expenditures (such as wages, subsidies, interest payments and defense spending), which do little to boost growth in the way that government capital expenditures can.
Second, growth increases state revenues, which means that the government can potentially spend more on health and education for the poor.
Next, a sharp rise in the price of food exports, heavily taxed in Argentina, augmented government revenues, providing the cash to finance increased expenditure.
Meanwhile, state governments, seeing
revenues
fall as a result of lower taxable incomes last year, are cutting back like mad.
In fact, for many economies, professional management of public assets could generate more
revenues
annually than corporate taxes, drastically increasing the amount of funding available for infrastructure investment.
Beyond transforming the city’s harbor district into a highly desirable area, the fund enabled the government to build a transit system, all without dipping into tax
revenues.
Many of them doubled their
revenues
in the 2009-2010 fiscal year, reaching more than 100 million borrowers, whereas rural co-operatives, which also make small loans, grew by 3%, to 45 million borrowers.
If oil
revenues
fall further, they may be forced to sell those holdings, using the dollars to intervene in the foreign-exchange market and support their currencies or to bail out troubled banks, like Russia’s Trust Bank, the mid-size institution that the government rescued in December.
This removed Trump’s main protectionist threat and killed his hopes of financing big tax cuts with
revenues
from a “border adjustment” tax.
This includes more than 100 of the world’s largest companies, with total annual
revenues
of some $7 trillion.
Fuel subsidies are widespread in developing countries, consuming some 25-30% of government
revenues
– much more than education spending, in most cases.
My point is not only to advertise our backwardness, but to explain that at Ghana's current rate of development it is almost impossible to generate the necessary
revenues
from our own resources to finance our plans and needs.
The International Monetary Fund’s estimate of Lebanon’s potential oil and gas
revenues
optimistically assumes that production will start in 2021, reach full capacity by 2036, and continue until 2056.
In this scenario, once production starts, resource
revenues
would constitute about 2.8% of Lebanon’s non-oil GDP, and would account for about 9% of government
revenues
at peak production, before gradually declining.
But even if oil and gas blocks are auctioned off almost immediately, in 2017, and then successfully explored, the resulting
revenues
would not arrive until 2022 at the earliest.
This means that Lebanon must undergo strong fiscal adjustments sooner, rather than later, and that any future oil and gas
revenues
will have to be heavily discounted.
This would include contracts and licenses; details about how blocks – and exploration and production rights – are auctioned and awarded; revenue figures, to ensure that companies comply with the “Publish What You Pay” principle; environmental-impact studies (offshore and onshore); and reports on how the government allocates its
revenues.
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